Art gallery and museum listings: July 27-Aug. 2

All shows are free unless otherwise noted.

Galleries

Archway Gallery: “Ninth Annual Juried Exhibition,” through Aug. 3; 2305 Dunlavy; 713-522-2409, archwaygallery.com.

Barbara Davis Gallery: “Owen Drysdale and Rajab Ali Sayed: Swim,” through Sept. 2; 4411 Montrose; 713-520-9200, barbaradavisgallery.com.

BlueOrange Art: Matthew Kelly Debbaudt‘s “Motion Pictures,” through Aug. 11; 1208 W. Gray; 713-527-0030, blueorangehouston.com.


Catherine Couturier Gallery: “Jefferson Hayman: Things I Saw Without You,” through Saturday; 713-524-5070, catherinecouturier.com.

Cindy Lisica Gallery: “Fine Wind, Clear Morning,” through Sept. 2; 4411 Montrose; 713-807-7760, cindylisicagallery.com.

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Clarke & Associates: “James Surls: Thought Wave – Drawings From Matter and Mind,” through Sept. 3; 301 E. 11th; 713-254-2998, jamessurls.com.

David Shelton Gallery: “Austin Eddy and Benjamin Edmiston: Walking to Work,” through Aug. 19; 4411 Montrose; 713-393-7319, davidsheltongallery.com.

Deborah Colton Gallery: “Grayson Chandler: Tautologies and Memoirs,” through Aug. 19; 2445 North Blvd.; 713-869-5151, deborahcoltongallery.com.

DesignWorks Gallery: “A Selection of Gallery Artists,” through Aug. 31; 2119-A Postoffice, Galveston; 409-766-7599.

Gallery Sonja Roesch: “Jonathan Leach: Planes Drifter,” through Aug. 19; 2309 Caroline; 713-659-5424, gallerysonjaroesch.com.

Gray Contemporary: “Robby Scott & Rebecca Braziel,” through Aug. 11; 3508 Lake; 713-862-4425, graycontemporary.com.

G Spot Contemporary Art Space: “Vladimir Alexander,” through Sunday; 310 E. 9th; 713-822-4842, gspotgallery.com.

Hiram Butler Gallery: “Apertures,” through Saturday; 4520 Blossom; 713-863-7097, hirambutler.com.

Hooks-Epstein Galleries: “Leamon Green: Is The Way Closed,” through Aug. 12; 2631 Colquitt; 713-522-0718, hooksepsteingalleries.com.

Jonathan Hopson Gallery: “Coyote,” through Sunday; 832-819-2918, jonathanhopsongallery.com.

Koelsch Haus: “Chris Hedrick: All Summer Long,” through Aug. 25; 801 Richmond; 713-862-5744, koelschgallery.com.

McClain Gallery: “Mara Held: Errant Traveler,” through Aug. 31; 2242 Richmond; 713-520-9988, mcclaingallery.com.

Moody Gallery: “Flatbed Press: A Selection of Prints,” through Aug. 12; 2815 Colquitt; 713-526-9911, moodygallery.com.

Nicole Longnecker Gallery: “Harumi Shimazu,” through Aug. 19; 2625 Colquitt; 713-591-4997, longneckergallery.com.

Redbud Gallery: “David Andrews: Rail Providence,” through Monday; 303 E. 11th; 713-854-4246, redbudgallery.com.

Samara Gallery: “Maria Bordelon-Nelson: Carved and Woven Souls,” through Aug. 12; 3911 Main; 713-999-1009, samaragallery.com.

Sicardi Gallery: “Carlos Cruz-Diez: La Autonomia del Color,” through Aug. 24; 1506 W. Alabama; 713-529-1313, sicardigallery.com.

William Reaves | Sarah Foltz Fine Art: “As Is Rural Realism,” through Aug. 12; 2143 Westheimer; 713-521-7500, reavesart.com.

Zoya Tommy: “James Ciosek: Moth to the Flame,” through Aug. 26; 4102 Fannin; 832-649-5814, zoyatommy.com.

Museums

Art Car Museum: “Literacy Through Photography: The FotoFest Writing and Photography Project,” through Aug. 13; 140 Heights; 713-861-5526, artcarmuseum.com.

Asia Society Texas Center: “Modern Twist: Contemporary Japanese Bamboo Art,” through Saturday, and “Sangram Majumdar,” through Sept. 10; $5; 1370 Southmore; 713-496-9901, asiasociety.org.

Blaffer Art Museum: “The Propeller Group,” through Sept. 30; 4173 Elgin, University of Houston; 713-743-9521, blafferartmuseum.org.

Box 13 Artspace: The Center for Imaginative Cartography & Research’s “Through Here,” group show “Things We Used to Know” and a window installation by Melinda Laszczynski, through Sept. 9; 6700 Harrisburg; box13artspace.com.

Contemporary Art Museum Houston: “A Better Yesterday,” works by JooYoung Choi, Jack Early and Lily van der Stokker, through Sept. 3; “Atlas, Plural, Monumental: Paul Ramirez Jonas,” through Aug. 6; 5216 Montrose; 713-284-8250, camh.org.

Galveston Arts Center: “Abhidnya Ghuge: Changing Perspectives” and “Burning Bones Press: Collective Pulse,” through Aug. 20; 2127 Strand, Galveston; 409-763-2403, galvestonartscenter.org.

Houston Center for Contemporary Craft: “Edward Eberle Retrospective” and “Annie Evelyn: Multiple Impressions,” through Sept. 1; “Small Expressions,” through Saturday; 4848 Main; 713-529-4848, crafthouston.org.

Houston Museum of African American Culture: “The Magnificent Faith Ringgold,” through Sept. 25; 4807 Caroline; 713-526-1015, hmaac.org.

Houston Center for Photography: 35th annual Juried Membership Exhibition, through Aug. 27; 1441 W. Alabama; 713-529-4755, hcponline.org.

Lawndale Art Center: “The Big Show,” through Aug. 12; 4912 Main; 713-528-5858, lawndaleartcenter.org.

The Menil Collection: “Between Land and Sea: Artists of the Coenties Slip,” through Aug. 6; 1533 Sul Ross; 713-525-9400, menil.org.

Museum of Fine Arts, Houston: “Paint the Revolution: Mexican Modernism, 1910-1950,” through Oct. 1; “Pipilotti Rist: ‘Pixel Forest’ and ‘Worry Will Vanish,’ ” through Sept. 17; “Ron Mueck,” through Aug. 19; “Homelands and Histories: Photographs by Fazal Sheikh,” through Oct. 1; $7.50-$23; 5601 Main; 713-639-7300, mfah.org.

Moody Center for the Arts: “David Scanavino: Repeater,” through Aug. 26; teamLab’s “Flowers & People …,” through Aug. 13; Rice University, 6100 Main; 713-348-4772, moody.rice.edu.

O’Kane Gallery: “Windows on Death Row: Art Inside and Outside Prison Walls,” through Saturday; UHDowntown Visitors Center, 100 Main; 713-221-8042, uhd.edu.

Station Museum of Contemporary Art: “Torture,” by Andres Serrano, through Oct. 8; 1502 Alabama; 713-529-6900, stationmuseum.com.

University Museum: “2017 Citywide African American Artists Exhibition,” through Sunday; 3100 Cleburne, Texas Southern University; 713-313-7145, umusetsu.org.

RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

Three New Books Discuss How to Confront and Reform Racist Policing

In 2010, Brown became police chief, and he had his officers go door-to-door to meet the people they were charged with protecting, attending homeowners association meetings and block parties, hosting basketball games and offering counseling sessions at local schools. (He also lost his 27-year-old son that year, to police gunfire. His son, who had bipolar disorder, was killed after fatally shooting a bystander and a police officer.) Brown’s approach, based not on arrest numbers but on police-community engagement, led to a historic decline in Dallas’s crime rate between 2010 and 2015. Brown retired in 2016, after he noticed an uptick in the crime rate, which he attributes to budget cuts that led to staffing shortages.

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Although Brown offers us one of the most impressive models for community policing, his view begins to look idealized in light of the racist practices described by Paul Butler in “Chokehold.” “Cops routinely hurt and humiliate black people because that is what they are paid to do,” Butler writes. “The police, as policy, treat African-Americans with contempt.” Like Brown, Butler admits that he was once an active participant in this system, a prosecutor who “sent a lot of black men to prison” and “defended cops who had racially profiled or used excessive force.”

While Butler urges us to rethink the purpose and function of policing entirely, a number of the essays in Angela J. Davis’s anthology suggest that the historical tension between low-income residents of color and the police charged with protecting them can be addressed with training programs. In one of the most popular of these programs, known as procedural justice, policemen are taught that if they treat people with dignity, respect and fairness, they will build trust and gain legitimacy. Meanwhile, implicit bias training encourages officers to recognize the set of racial assumptions they carry but do not consciously control. These measures can also save lives. As Yale Law School’s Tracey Meares and Tom Tyler put it in their essay, the more trust communities have in the police, the more likely they are to report crime, provide testimony and help “to hold offenders accountable.”

Barring fundamental legal reforms, however, these programs can have only a limited impact. Indeed, much of the discussion in “Chokehold” and “Policing the Black Man” highlights the impact of major Supreme Court decisions of the last 50 years, including ones that supported racial profiling and deemed statistical evidence of racial disparities insufficient to prove a “discriminatory purpose” on the part of police officers or the courts. As Jin Hee Lee and Sherrilyn A. Ifill, both from the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, point out in their contribution to Davis’s book, “the courts function in a distorted reality that only recognizes racial discrimination in a specific and distinct form: overt racial animus by a specific actor.” The Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Constitution has largely failed to extend African-American citizens protection from police abuse and sentencing disparities.

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Lee and Ifill suggest that hope might lie in pursuing “a more effective body of equal protection and anti-discrimination law.” Butler, however, remains skeptical of incrementalist measures. “Liberal reforms, such as anti-discrimination laws, have not brought long-term change,” Butler writes in “Chokehold.” “Civil Rights laws have helped stigmatize discrimination but have barely blunted its effect.” He demonstrates that when citizenship rights are extended to African-Americans, policy makers and officials at all levels of government historically used law and incarceration as proxy to exert social control in black communities. Black Codes, convict leasing and Jim Crow segregation followed Emancipation; overpolicing and mass incarceration followed the civil rights movement. “In order to halt this wretched cycle we must not think of reform — we must think of transformation,” Butler writes. “The United States of America must be disrupted, and made anew.”

For Butler, remaking America entails abolishing both prisons and the conditions of segregated poverty that increase the likelihood of criminal justice supervision. Butler cites a study from New York University’s Brennan Center for Justice estimating that 40 percent of the nation’s prisoners could be released without compromising public safety. This alone would save taxpayers $200 billion over 20 years, freeing up new opportunities for resources and outcomes. He suggests those funds could be used to hire 327,000 new public-school teachers, or to create jobs for low-income citizens who often have no options for survival outside of the informal economy. And since nearly 80 percent of people in prison suffer from drug addiction or mental health issues, Butler thinks it wise to reallocate funding from police departments and correctional authorities to community health care.

If the prospect of this level of structural change sounds impossible or rash, at the very least we can heed the insights the public interest lawyer Bryan Stevenson provides in “Policing the Black Man.” Stevenson looks to South Africa, where a series of truth and reconciliation hearings followed the end of apartheid, and Germany, where citizens are encouraged to visit the sites of Nazi concentration camps and reflect on the history of the Holocaust, as examples of the kind of historical reckoning we must also commit to as a nation. For it is only by fully confronting the traumatic and contradictory currents of American history that we can begin to change course. Past abuses must be repaired so that safety and justice can exist for us all.

Continue reading the main story

‘The thrill of the hunt’: Vinyl enthusiasts drawn to ABC record sale

Op-Ed Contributor: Let Black Kids Just Be Kids

That’s why we must create a future in which children of color are not disproportionately caught up in the criminal justice system, a world in which a black 17-year-old can wear a hoodie without being assumed to be a criminal.

Photo

Trayvon Martin in an undated photograph. His killer said he perceived the 17-year-old as being in his late 20s. Credit Reuters

Creating that social change, however, has proved difficult. And that’s partly because the concept of childhood innocence itself has a deep and disturbing racial history.

By understanding this history, we can learn why anti-racist strategies have hit some surprising limits, and devise tactics to confront or even avoid those roadblocks in the future.

The association between childhood and innocence did not always exist. Before the Enlightenment, children in the West were widely regarded as immodest beings who needed to be taught to restrain themselves. “The devil has been with them already,” the Puritan minister Cotton Mather wrote of babies in 1689. They “go astray as soon as they are born.”

In some religious traditions, children, as much as adults, were understood to bear original sin. Benjamin Wadsworth, a powerful Colonial-era minister, described children in 1720 as “sharers in the guilt of Adam” who have a “naturally sinful and guilty state.”

Enlightenment thinkers had different ideas: John Locke suggested that children were blank slates, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau portrayed them as connected to nature. The poet William Wordsworth imagined children as holy innocents who could lead adults to God. Rising forms of Christianity de-emphasized the idea of original sin.

While earlier generations had viewed children as miniature adults, 19th-century sentimentalists increasingly identified innocence as the single most important quality that distinguished children from their elders. By the mid-19th century, the ideas of childhood and innocence had merged. From then on, innocence defined American childhood.

But only white kids were allowed to be innocent. The more that popular writers, playwrights, actors and visual artists created images of innocent white children, the more they depicted children of color, especially black children, as unconstrained imps. Over time, this resulted in them being defined as nonchildren.

Photo

The minstrel version of Topsy, a character in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” turned into the pickaninny. Credit Library of Congress

“Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” one of the most influential books of the 19th century, was pivotal to this process. When Harriet Beecher Stowe published her novel in 1852, she created the angelic white Eva, who contrasted with Topsy, the mischievous black girl.

Stowe carefully showed, however, that Topsy was at heart an innocent child who misbehaved because she had been traumatized, “hardened,” by slavery’s violence. Topsy’s bad behavior implicated slavery, not her or black children in general.

The novel’s success prompted theatrical troupes across the country to adapt “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” into what became one of the most popular stage shows of all time. But to attract the biggest audiences, these productions combined Stowe’s story with the era’s other hugely popular entertainment: minstrelsy.

Topsys onstage, often played by white women in blackface, were adultlike, cartoonish characters who laughed as they were beaten, and who invited audiences to laugh, too. In these shows, Topsy’s innocence and vulnerability vanished. The violence that Stowe condemned became a source of delight for white theater audiences.

This minstrel version of Topsy turned into the pickaninny, one of the most damaging racist images ever created. This dehumanized black juvenile character was comically impervious to pain and never needed protection or tenderness.

The racist caricature of the pickaninny often appeared alongside cherubic white children. For example, advertisements run in the early 1900s by the Fairbank Company, which sold cleaning and cooking products, featured the “Gold Dust Twins,” who were seminude, ungendered, ink-black juveniles. The advertising copy read, “Let the Gold Dust Twins do your work.”

Fairbank ran that ad alongside one for Fairy Soap, whose mascot was a serene white child dressed in fancy clothes. Fairy Soap, the advertisement declared, “soothes and softens the tenderest skin.” In these paired advertisements, which appeared in The Saturday Evening Post, Ladies’ Home Journal and many other magazines, black nonchildren toil while white darlings receive tender caresses.

Photo

Advertisements from the early 1900s by the Fairbank Company, contrasting laboring black children and angelic white children. Credit Getty Images

These images weaponized childhood innocence, transforming it into a tool of racial domination.

But black activists did not acquiesce to this power play. From the first moments when Topsy devolved into the pickaninny, African-Americans worked to counter the libel that their kids were not vulnerable and not really children.

In 1855, Frederick Douglass made exactly this point in “My Bondage and My Freedom” when he asserted, “Slave children are children.”

In the next century, key players in the civil rights movement made childhood innocence central to anti-racist causes. In 1939, the psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark introduced the “doll test,” in which black children, when confronted with their own preference for white dolls, burst into tears.

The Clarks’ findings hit a nerve in part because they used symbols of innocence, dolls and sobbing children, to display the effects of racism. The Supreme Court leaned on these doll tests in its Brown v. Board of Education ruling, which outlawed segregation in public schools in 1954.

Photo

The sociologist Kenneth Clark conducting a “doll test” in 1947. In these tests, black children saw black dolls as “bad” and preferred to play with white dolls. Credit Gordon Parks/Gordon Parks Foundation

The next year, Mamie Till juxtaposed the bloated, pulverized body of her murdered son Emmett with a photograph of him as a smiling schoolboy. The lynchers had defined Emmett as a sexual threat, but his mother made America see him as a kid.

In these cases, black activists captured the political power of childhood innocence, which had previously supported white supremacy, and repurposed it for a civil rights agenda.

But there’s a catch. As the poet and feminist theorist Audre Lorde wrote: “The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.” This is exactly the case with anti-racist uses of childhood innocence.

The Clarks, Mamie Till and others used childhood innocence to make important political gains, but their use of the “master’s tools” ultimately could not erase the racial connotations of childhood innocence itself. And so studies continue to show that black children are seen as less innocent and more adultlike than their white peers.

As long as white children are constructed as innocent, we must continue to demand that children of color are as well. Because the idea of childhood innocence carries so much political force, we can’t allow it to be a whites-only club.

The problem, however, is that every time we insist that the gates of innocence open to children of color, we limit ourselves by language, a “frame,” as the linguist George Lakoff would say, that is embedded in racism. When we argue that black and brown children are as innocent as white children, and we must, we assume that childhood innocence is purely positive. But the idea of childhood innocence itself is not innocent: It’s part of a 200-year-old history of white supremacy.

It’s time to create language that values justice over innocence. The most important question we can ask about children may not be whether they are inherently innocent. Instead: Are they are hungry? Do they have adequate health care? Are they free from police brutality? Are they threatened by a poisoned and volatile environment? Are they growing up in a securely democratic nation?

All children deserve equal protection under the law not because they’re innocent, but because they’re people. By understanding children’s rights as human rights, we can begin to undermine the political power of childhood innocence, a cultural formation that has proved, over and over, to be one of white supremacy’s most potent weapons.

Continue reading the main story

Let Black Kids Just Be Kids

That’s why we must create a future in which children of color are not disproportionately caught up in the criminal justice system, a world in which a black 17-year-old can wear a hoodie without being assumed to be a criminal.

Photo

Trayvon Martin in an undated photograph. His killer said he perceived the 17-year-old as being in his late 20s. Credit Reuters

Creating that social change, however, has proved difficult. And that’s partly because the concept of childhood innocence itself has a deep and disturbing racial history.

By understanding this history, we can learn why anti-racist strategies have hit some surprising limits, and devise tactics to confront or even avoid those roadblocks in the future.

The association between childhood and innocence did not always exist. Before the Enlightenment, children in the West were widely regarded as immodest beings who needed to be taught to restrain themselves. “The devil has been with them already,” the Puritan minister Cotton Mather wrote of babies in 1689. They “go astray as soon as they are born.”

In some religious traditions, children, as much as adults, were understood to bear original sin. Benjamin Wadsworth, a powerful Colonial-era minister, described children in 1720 as “sharers in the guilt of Adam” who have a “naturally sinful and guilty state.”

Enlightenment thinkers had different ideas: John Locke suggested that children were blank slates, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau portrayed them as connected to nature. The poet William Wordsworth imagined children as holy innocents who could lead adults to God. Rising forms of Christianity de-emphasized the idea of original sin.

While earlier generations had viewed children as miniature adults, 19th-century sentimentalists increasingly identified innocence as the single most important quality that distinguished children from their elders. By the mid-19th century, the ideas of childhood and innocence had merged. From then on, innocence defined American childhood.

But only white kids were allowed to be innocent. The more that popular writers, playwrights, actors and visual artists created images of innocent white children, the more they depicted children of color, especially black children, as unconstrained imps. Over time, this resulted in them being defined as nonchildren.

Photo

The minstrel version of Topsy, a character in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” turned into the pickaninny. Credit Library of Congress

“Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” one of the most influential books of the 19th century, was pivotal to this process. When Harriet Beecher Stowe published her novel in 1852, she created the angelic white Eva, who contrasted with Topsy, the mischievous black girl.

Stowe carefully showed, however, that Topsy was at heart an innocent child who misbehaved because she had been traumatized, “hardened,” by slavery’s violence. Topsy’s bad behavior implicated slavery, not her or black children in general.

The novel’s success prompted theatrical troupes across the country to adapt “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” into what became one of the most popular stage shows of all time. But to attract the biggest audiences, these productions combined Stowe’s story with the era’s other hugely popular entertainment: minstrelsy.

Topsys onstage, often played by white women in blackface, were adultlike, cartoonish characters who laughed as they were beaten, and who invited audiences to laugh, too. In these shows, Topsy’s innocence and vulnerability vanished. The violence that Stowe condemned became a source of delight for white theater audiences.

This minstrel version of Topsy turned into the pickaninny, one of the most damaging racist images ever created. This dehumanized black juvenile character was comically impervious to pain and never needed protection or tenderness.

The racist caricature of the pickaninny often appeared alongside cherubic white children. For example, advertisements run in the early 1900s by the Fairbank Company, which sold cleaning and cooking products, featured the “Gold Dust Twins,” who were seminude, ungendered, ink-black juveniles. The advertising copy read, “Let the Gold Dust Twins do your work.”

Fairbank ran that ad alongside one for Fairy Soap, whose mascot was a serene white child dressed in fancy clothes. Fairy Soap, the advertisement declared, “soothes and softens the tenderest skin.” In these paired advertisements, which appeared in The Saturday Evening Post, Ladies’ Home Journal and many other magazines, black nonchildren toil while white darlings receive tender caresses.

Photo

Advertisements from the early 1900s by the Fairbank Company, contrasting laboring black children and angelic white children. Credit Getty Images

These images weaponized childhood innocence, transforming it into a tool of racial domination.

But black activists did not acquiesce to this power play. From the first moments when Topsy devolved into the pickaninny, African-Americans worked to counter the libel that their kids were not vulnerable and not really children.

In 1855, Frederick Douglass made exactly this point in “My Bondage and My Freedom” when he asserted, “Slave children are children.”

In the next century, key players in the civil rights movement made childhood innocence central to anti-racist causes. In 1939, the psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark introduced the “doll test,” in which black children, when confronted with their own preference for white dolls, burst into tears.

The Clarks’ findings hit a nerve in part because they used symbols of innocence, dolls and sobbing children, to display the effects of racism. The Supreme Court leaned on these doll tests in its Brown v. Board of Education ruling, which outlawed segregation in public schools in 1954.

Photo

The sociologist Kenneth Clark conducting a “doll test” in 1947. In these tests, black children saw black dolls as “bad” and preferred to play with white dolls. Credit Gordon Parks/Gordon Parks Foundation

The next year, Mamie Till juxtaposed the bloated, pulverized body of her murdered son Emmett with a photograph of him as a smiling schoolboy. The lynchers had defined Emmett as a sexual threat, but his mother made America see him as a kid.

In these cases, black activists captured the political power of childhood innocence, which had previously supported white supremacy, and repurposed it for a civil rights agenda.

But there’s a catch. As the poet and feminist theorist Audre Lorde wrote: “The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.” This is exactly the case with anti-racist uses of childhood innocence.

The Clarks, Mamie Till and others used childhood innocence to make important political gains, but their use of the “master’s tools” ultimately could not erase the racial connotations of childhood innocence itself. And so studies continue to show that black children are seen as less innocent and more adultlike than their white peers.

As long as white children are constructed as innocent, we must continue to demand that children of color are as well. Because the idea of childhood innocence carries so much political force, we can’t allow it to be a whites-only club.

The problem, however, is that every time we insist that the gates of innocence open to children of color, we limit ourselves by language, a “frame,” as the linguist George Lakoff would say, that is embedded in racism. When we argue that black and brown children are as innocent as white children, and we must, we assume that childhood innocence is purely positive. But the idea of childhood innocence itself is not innocent: It’s part of a 200-year-old history of white supremacy.

It’s time to create language that values justice over innocence. The most important question we can ask about children may not be whether they are inherently innocent. Instead: Are they are hungry? Do they have adequate health care? Are they free from police brutality? Are they threatened by a poisoned and volatile environment? Are they growing up in a securely democratic nation?

All children deserve equal protection under the law not because they’re innocent, but because they’re people. By understanding children’s rights as human rights, we can begin to undermine the political power of childhood innocence, a cultural formation that has proved, over and over, to be one of white supremacy’s most potent weapons.

Continue reading the main story

Talent INC Canada Acting Coach, Paul Barnes Nominated For Dora Mavor Moore Award

John Stevens, Doug Sloan, Talent INC Canada, Talent INC, ACTRA, Toronto Film School, Acting Schools,

www.Talent-INC.ca

Paul Barnes and the cast of Superdude and Doctor Rude are nominated for a Dora award for Outstanding Ensemble Performance for Theatre for Young Audiences.

Paul is one of our most in-demand coaches here at Talent INC Canada”

— Doug Sloan, Talent INC Canada

TORONTO, ON, CANADA, July 26, 2017 /EINPresswire.com/ — Paul Barnes, who is represented by Colin McMurray & Associates, is a graduate of the London Academy of Music and Dramatic Art and the Second City Conservatory program. He is An actor, comedian, and a very talented puppeteer. Paul has spent four years as a key cast member of the Second City’s Educational and Family Companies here in Toronto. He is also a principal cast member on the TVO/Jim Henson kid’s show Hi Opie!, and performs with various improv and sketch troupes around Toronto such as Improv Against Humanity, DogScience, We Happy Few and Men with Mustaches. He is delighted that he gets to spend his adult working life playing with toys and making pretend.

His critically acclaimed show, Superdude and Doctor Rude, produced by the infamous Second City, was a huge hit for youth audiences and families from across the GTA. In fact, the cast was nominated for a prestigious Dora Mavor Moore award.

“Paul is one of our most in-demand coaches here at Talent INC Canada. He puts so much of himself into each and every class and more than capable to teach so much more than just Improvisation” asserts Doug Sloan, Co-Founder of Talent INC Canada.

We asked Mr. Barnes what he liked about teaching at Talent INC Canada and he boasted, “Working as an Improv instructor at Talent INC is a two-way teaching experience. Doug, John, and Kate have created a wonderful place for us all to learn. I see groups of such inspiring and creatively unique performers each and every time I am there. After I offer my guidance, experience, and encouragement, my real job is to get out of the way so that their own beautiful, hilarious voices can shout so loud that they surprise even themselves. Such is the nature of Improv. I am deeply proud of the quality of work that all of my Talent INC students have accomplished”.

Paul has had great success with his classes covering Audition Technique, Improvisation, Commercial Technique, Scene Study and Monologue work. All of Talent INC Canada’s classes culminate into a final performance at a local venue.

“We are really trying to give actors the opportunity to add to both their training and performance credits on their professional resumes”, says John Stevens the other Co-Founder of Talent INC Canada.

Teen actor Spencer Douglas, who is represented by Colin McMurray & Associates has been a booking machine and raves about Paul’s classes.

“Improv is one of the most important tools an actor can have, and when it comes to Paul Barnes, he makes reaching that level of expertise exceptionally easy. I’m extremely happy that I’ve taken his classes and I’m going to continue training with him for as long as I can”, exclaims Spencer.

John Stevens
Talent INC Canada (Ltd)
647-748-7200
email us here

Talent INC Canada Introduction

[embedded content]

Tough Champions Cup draw for July winner

The news would have been enough to make trainer Candice Bass-Robinson choke on her cornflakes. Her Vodacom Durban July winner Marinaresco has drawn the worst barrier position for the R1m World Sports Betting Champions Cup at Greyville next Saturday.

Along with the eLan Gold Cup — this year being run on the Sunday — it is the last big meeting of the season and the Champions Cup result is important in determining the Equus Horse of the Year.

Victory for Marinaresco in the Champions Cup would put him on that shortlist, but his outside draw will not make life easy for jockey Bernard Fayd’Herbe.

Captain America, another of the leading fancies for this 1,800m race, will also have to beat a wide barrier. Brett Crawford’s talented performer drew in gate 14.

There was, however, good news for trainer Justin Snaith with Black Arthur and It’s My Turn drawing inside barriers. The Cape trainer will be looking for a top-four finish from Black Arthur, who failed to make the first six in the July.

Racing fans will be hoping Snaith runs Bela-Bela before she retires. She enhanced an already huge reputation by winning the Jonsson Workwear Garden Province Stakes on July day.

The sponsors have priced up on the race and, despite his draw, have made Marinaresco the clear favourite at 22-10.

Captain America is second favourite at 9-2 followed by Bela-Bela at 11-2 and stablemates, It’s My Turn and Black Arthur, have been priced at 8-1 and 9-1.

Another horse bidding to put a disappointing July run behind him is Ten Gun Salute. Duncan Howells’ charge is one of the outsiders at 16-1.

Of all the horses in the powerful stable of Sean Tarry, three-year-old Pilou is probably the most frustrating for the champion trainer.

At the start of this campaign, the well-bred son of Western Winter had to be rated a possible classic prospect, but the gelding has managed just one win in seven starts.

Nevertheless, it is difficult to look beyond Pilou in Saturday’s seventh race at Turffontein with only Paul Matchett’s runner Dan The Lad his only apparent danger in the 1,600m event.

Dan The Lad ran second to Sporting Monarch during his most recent outing — and that form was franked when Sporting Monarch scored again at the Vaal on Tuesday.

Jockey S’manga Khumalo, who will be riding Pilou, has a good book of rides and should go close on Lucky Houdalakis’ filly, September Bloom, in the first leg of the jackpot.

The three-year-old is overdue a second win and could get it at the expense of recent course winner Emerald Bay.

Lady Starlett did this column a good turn when winning her last start at decent odds so it would be wrong to desert Coenie de Beer’s filly in the sixth race. The daughter of Overlord only got a two-point penalty for that victory, so another prominent run is on the cards.

The main opposition to Lady Starlett includes Magic and Manx Park, while five-year-old Duke Nukem is respected back in handicap company.

RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

The London Royal Academy Summer Exhibition 2017

'Deep Cut' by Abe Odedina.

‘Deep Cut’ by Abe Odedina.

This is the London Royal Academy’s 249th Summer Exhibition, in which up and coming artists a chance to get wide exposure.
After a recent visit to the Irish Centre, Camden last month for an Irish event , we paid a quick visit to the world famous Exhibition. The quality was excellent and exceeded expectations and much better than other years. The reach of the exhibition to include more works from artists across the world as well as artists working in differing media, exploring and celebrating the new energy of the next generation.
The Summer Exhibition Hanging Committee invited international artists to exhibit in a range of media throughout the galleries.
These include Julie Born Schwartz, Hassan Hajjaj, Secundino Hernández, Isaac Julien, Tomoaki Suzuki and Mark Wallinger. For the first time, the Summer Exhibition also included an element of performance art.
We noted even an Irish element with Skellig Rock of Kerry featuring London artist Tracey Emin and other well known ones are there plus new people. There was also lots of music and contemptorary arts related themes as well as the tropics, European ones too.
Further highlights of the Summer Exhibition 2017 will include Yinka Shonibare RA’s Wind Sculpture VI in the Royal Academy’s Annenberg Courtyard.
At over six metres in height, this impressive sculpture explores the notion of harnessing motion and freezing it in a moment of time. Returning to the artist’s use of Dutch wax textiles, Wind Sculpture VI will manifest as a large three-dimensional piece of fabric that appears to be blowing in reaction to the natural elements.
Farshid Moussavi RA will be curating the Architecture Gallery within the Summer Exhibition. For the first time, this gallery will celebrate architecture by focusing on construction coordination drawings – the drawings which show the full complexity of a building. This gallery will feature works by Royal Academicians including the newly elected David Adjaye and Richard Rogers, together with Grafton Architects, Bjarke Ingels, Alvaro Siza and Eduardo Souto de Moura, amongst others.
Other Royal Academicians featuring this year will include Gilbert & George, who will be showing a new large-scale work from their ‘Beard Speak’ series, along with Phyllida Barlow, Antony Gormley, Sean Scully, Bob and Roberta Smith and Wolfgang Tillmans. Honorary Academicians include Marina Abramović, Jim Dine and Mimmo Paladino.
The Summer Exhibition is the world’s largest open submission exhibition with 1200 works on display, the majority of which are for sale offering visitors an opportunity to purchase original artwork by high profile and up-and-coming artists.
It has been held every year without interruption since 1769 and continues to play a significant part in raising funds to finance the current students of the RA Schools.
It’s open to the public until Sunday, August 20th, from 10am to 6pm daily (last admission 5.30pm). Admission prices include the List of Works giving details on every exhibit in the show.
Adult ticket £15.50 (£14 excluding Gift Aid donation); concessions available; under 16s go free. Friends of the RA go free. The address is Piccadilly WC1 London and to get there, go to Piccadilly or Green Park underground station on Piccadilly
The Royal Academy of Arts was founded by King George III in 1768. It has a unique position in being an independent, privately funded institution led by eminent artists and architects whose purpose is to be a clear, strong voice for art and artists.
* Other exhibitions in London worth checking out include the Amy Winehouse exhibit in the London Jewish Museum, the Pink Floyd Exhibition in the Victoria and Albert South Kensington, the Russian Revolution in the British Library.
The Tate Modern has a show in Blackfriars about Black Power and Black Art from the USA. The National Portrait Gallery in Trafalgar Square, close to the Royal Academy, has paintings from Leonardo da Vinci to Rembrandt, the Dutch Master so there’s lots to see in London this summer. We travelled over via Stena Line by car, which enabled us to take in some other stops along the south coast and in Bath on return journey. The journey was smooth and hassle free, but we left the car on edge of London. RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment