Los Angeles art museums offer diverse exhibits at no cost

“Radical Women: Latin America Art, 1960-1985” is on view for free at the Hammer Museum and explores the contributions of Latina artists. Photo from Facebook.

Though Los Angeles is chock-full of art museums, many of their admission prices are more expensive than the Uber fare there. The following museums, ranging from just a short walk away from campus to Brentwood, are completely free and will fulfill any broke college student’s artistic needs on a budget.

California African American Museum

The California African American Museum is located next to the California Science Center and is walking distance from USC. The focus of this museum is to bring to light the work of African American artists as well as artists from the African diaspora and the African continent. Current exhibits include We Wanted a Revolution: Black Radical Women 1965-1985, which discusses the experiences of the women of color and their roles in creating political change, as well as Circles and Circuits I: History and Art of the Chinese Caribbean Diaspora, an exhibit that highlights the cultural works of Caribbean-based artists of Chinese descent. Both exhibits will be open until February 2018. CAAM is open Tuesday to Saturday from 10 a.m to 5 p.m. and 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. on Sundays.

Hauser & Wirth

Hauser & Wirth, located in the Arts District in downtown Los Angeles, will give you an artistic and gastronomical experience that you will not get at most museums. Integrated within the exhibits is either a bar or a restaurant that serves as a social space to discuss the art everyone is surrounded by. Hauser & Wirth’s current exhibits are running until January 2018 and include an installation by renowned artist Mike Kelley titled Kandors. This installation series brings Superman imagery and symbolism to life in a discussion of power, memory and loss. The second major exhibit is titled Accidental Records, a series of paintings by Ellen Gallagher that explores the dark human history of the ocean, over which thousands of slaves crossed to never return. Hauser & Wirth is open 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. from Tuesday to Sunday. 

The Getty

The Getty Center is a classic Los Angeles museum located in Brentwood, about 30 minutes from USC. The founders of the Getty vowed to never impose an admission fee in order to make art accessible to the public and promote the diffusion of artist knowledge in the coming generations. The permanent collection houses four pavilions, each with a different style of European art from Renaissance paintings to contemporary 20th-century Italian pieces. There is also a sculpture garden and a collection of rare photography, books and other pieces that the public can explore. In addition to the permanent collection, there are changing premier exhibits scheduled until the end of January 2018. The Getty is open from Tuesday to Friday and on Sunday from 10 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. and on Saturdays from 10 a.m. to 9 p.m.

The Hammer Museum

The Hammer Museum is one of the three art museums that are a part of the UCLA School of Arts and Architecture and located in Westwood. Exhibits and programs are completely free and open to the public. Current exhibits are Radical Women: Latin American Art, 1960-1985 which highlights the contributions of Latina artists and celebrates Latina and China heritage; and Hammer Projects by Andrea Butter, an installation that focuses on themes of littleness and humility. The Hammer also offers free programs including meditation sessions, poetry readings, art discussions and exhibit tours. This museum is open Tuesday to Friday from 11 a.m. to 8 p.m. and on weekends from 11 a.m. to 5 p.m.

The Annenberg Space for Photography

The Annenberg Space for Photography is an expansive digital and print photography gallery, with over 50 historical exhibits every year. It is located in Century City about nine miles away from USC, but is worth the drive out for its beautiful city location and interesting exhibits. The Space also hosts photography lessons, cultural concerts and a lecture series related to the theme of the exhibits, which currently focus on Cuban history. The first, Cuba Is, explores the aspects and complexities of Cuban life that are often missing among the tense political issues surrounding the island. The second is RESOLVIENDO, which discusses how the rising generation of Cuban youth are redefining Cuban culture. The Annenberg Space for Photography is open Wednesday to Sunday from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. and will feature these exhibits until March 2018.

RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

How the Virginia Governor’s Race Will Be a Test of Trump’s Impact

Here are some factors we will be paying attention to as voters go to the polls Tuesday.

Virginia Is Becoming Two States in One

Virginia’s politics are becoming sharply bifurcated by region in ways that reflect the country’s political trends. The so-called “urban crescent,” stretching from the Washington suburbs down to greater Richmond and east toward the Chesapeake Bay, is growing rapidly thanks to an influx of transplants who are transforming it into a Democratic bulwark. The western half of the state, as well as the southern tier bordering North Carolina, are seeing little population growth, and in some places even a decline, while becoming deeply Republican.

These trends are turning Virginia from purple to blue, but it is an uneven progression for Democrats because — as in much of the country — many of their core voters are less likely to vote in nonpresidential years. So while Hillary Clinton carried Prince William County, a booming and ethnically diverse Washington exurb, by 21 points last year, Gov. Terry McAuliffe, a Democrat, only won it by eight points in 2013.

A Virginia Democrat with rural roots such as Mr. Northam, who still carries the accent of his native Eastern Shore, may be able to outperform Mrs. Clinton’s dismal numbers in the Republican-trending rural reaches of the state. But even if Mr. Gillespie performs as well as Mr. Trump in the countryside, it will not be enough to win if he cannot cut into the growing Democratic advantage in Virginia’s population centers, especially in vote-rich northern Virginia. After all, Mr. Trump still lost the state by more than five points even as he dominated rural Virginia.

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The Education Divide Could Still Matter

The gulf between college-educated whites and white voters without a college degree was a defining demographic split of the 2016 presidential election, but the divide has not been as pronounced in the elections held since.

Still, could the education gap be poised for a comeback? A New York Times Upshot/Siena College poll ahead of the race, among other surveys, showed Mr. Northam holding a clear lead among well-educated white voters, while giving Mr. Gillespie a vast advantage edge among white voters without a degree.

If Mr. Gillespie struggles to run ahead of Mr. Trump among well-educated voters, it might be a warning sign that even establishment-friendly Republicans cannot count on returning to pre-2016 levels among a group that used to lean their way. And it should worry Republicans in historically conservative, well-educated districts across the Sun Belt, like those in Orange County, Calif., or the suburbs of Dallas and Houston.

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Black Voter Turnout Is Still Crucial for Democrats

In Virginia, African-Americans make up 19 percent of the population, the second highest of any state carried by Hillary Clinton. They have lifted Democrats in the urban centers of downstate Virginia, like Richmond or Norfolk, which combine to rival Northern Virginia’s contribution to statewide Democratic margins.

But Democrats have struggled to rally strong turnout among black voters since President Barack Obama was last on the ballot, even as white Democratic turnout surged in a string of special elections across the country.

More weak turnout among black voters in a regularly scheduled election could be interpreted as a clue that the Obama-era surge is waning, while a stronger turnout would lift Democratic hopes in competitive congressional districts with a sizable African-American population.

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How to Read the Tea Leaves as Returns Come In

The early returns in Virginia can often be misleading because Fairfax County, the state’s most populous locality and a pillar of Democratic strength, typically reports its results late at night. But Loudoun County just next door may offer some better, and earlier, insights about the outcome of the race — to say nothing of how high-income moderates are responding to the Trump-era Republican Party. A fast-growing jurisdiction that was heavily farmland until recent decades, Loudoun has become a bellwether for if a Republican can win or even remain competitive in Virginia.

When Mr. Gillespie lost by less than a single point statewide when he ran against Senator Mark Warner in 2014, the Republican carried Loudoun by about 450 votes.

Another large locality that will be telling is Virginia Beach. A hub of active-duty and retired military, it often favors Republicans, including Mr. Trump last year. But Mr. Northam lives in nearby Norfolk and if he is able to come close to breaking even in Virginia Beach it will greatly complicate Mr. Gillespie’s path to victory.

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Downballot Races Could Make a Difference

While the governor’s race has gotten the bulk of the attention in Virginia, all 100 seats in the House of Delegates are also up for grabs. Democrats, reeling from their losses last year and determined to cut into the Republican House majority, have fielded candidates against 54 of the 66 House Republicans.

And while it is usually the top of the ticket that drives turnout, the two parties have poured so much money into a group of contested House races that there may be something of an updraft in a handful of increasingly diverse districts.

This is most likely to happen in Prince William County and a pair of nearby independent cities, Manassas and Manassas Park, which include growing Hispanic populations and have a seen a surge in early voting participation compared to the governor’s race four years ago.

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Photo

Voters at a polling station in Monmouth Beach, N.J., during the state’s primary election in June. Credit Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times

How the New Jersey Governor’s Race Could Go

The contest to replace Gov. Chris Christie in New Jersey has largely flown under the national radar because Mr. Murphy has so dominated the race. But New Jersey offers a potential boon to Democrats eager to consolidate control in more liberal-leaning states.

Should Mr. Murphy win, New Jersey would become the sixth state in the country to have Democrats in control of both the statehouse and the state Legislature. Look for Mr. Murphy to exceed previous candidates in the heavily urban northern part of the state, particularly Hudson, Essex and Bergen counties, to lock the election up early.

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What to Watch in Other Races Across the Country

There are a number of other regularly scheduled and special elections across the country on Tuesday. In Washington State, if Democrats win a hotly contested State Senate election in the Seattle suburbs, they could take full control of state government and end up with a “blue wall” along the West Coast.

The stakes are somewhat lower in county executive races in Westchester, N.Y. and Nassau County, N.Y., but each will be watched as another indicator of how Republicans are holding up in traditionally Republican, well-educated areas. Here is a breakdown of key issues in New York-area races, including the one for New York City mayor.

And there is a Maine ballot measure that would expand Medicaid over the wishes of the state’s Republican governor, Paul LePage. Not only would it provide health care to thousands of low-income Maine residents, but it will be taken as a measure of the popularity of the Affordable Care Act after Republicans failed to repeal the law this year.

Continue reading the main story

First pictures of the UK’s first Holocaust Memorial planned for London

A memorial honouring the millions who died at the hands of the Nazis during the Holocaust will be set in the Victoria Tower Gardens next to the Houses of Parliament in Westminster, it has been decided.

The new landmark – expected to be completed by 2021 – aims to be “a living place, not just a monument to something of the past”, offering visitors an “immersive journey” and “sensory experience” throughout the site.

Featuring a series of 23 imposing bronze fin structures, with the spaces between each symbolising the 22 countries where Jewish communities were destroyed during the Holocaust, the striking memorial will have a modern, minimalist feel.

Visitors can expect different experiences along each pathway between the fins before the walks culminate at a cavernous main hall (known as the Threshold), intended to be a place for contemplation before moving into the adjoining Learning Centre in the level below ground. The educational hub will include a hall documenting the testimonies of Holocaust victims and survivors, and a “Contemplation Court” – a quiet reflective space made with eight bronze panels.

The Threshold space at the memorial site

A rendering of the Threshold space at the memorial site

Credit:
Adjaye Associates

Aiming to create a visually arresting structure “highly visible from near and far”, the tips of the fins have been designed to appear to be “bristling in the distance” as visitors approach the site, encouraging people to wish to find out more.

The memorial will also offer a new vantage point of the River Thames and Westminster via a “gently meandering path” leading to a subtle but distinct slope.

A rendering of the stairs between the fins leading to the learning centre of the memorial site

A rendering of the stairs between the fins leading to the learning centre of the memorial site

Credit:
Ron Arad Architects

The ambitious project is the collaborative work of three architectural firms including that of Britain’s Sir David Adjaye (who designed the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History & Culture in Washington DC  – the only museum in America dedicated to African American art, history and culture – which opened last year), as well as London-based Israeli architect Ron Arad (the brains behind the striking Design Museum Holon – Israel’s only museum dedicated to design art) and London-based firm Gustafson Porter + Bowman.

The Contemplation Court of the memorial

A rendering of The Contemplation Court of the memorial

Credit:
Adjaye Associates

The team’s winning proposal, which was announced this week, was selected in an international design competition launched last year, which received nearly 100 entries, and judged by a panel including Mayor of London Sadiq Khan and other government officials, members of the design and architectural community including Alice Greenwald (the president/CEO of the National September 11 Memorial and Museum in New York) and Holocaust organisations, as well as survivors of the Holocaust.

The learning centre below the memorial site

The learning centre below the memorial site

Credit:
Ron Arad Architects

Described by the team as a “park of Britain’s conscience” following extensive research into the park grounds, Victoria Park Gardens was chosen as the location of the upcoming memorial for its connection to the existing Emmeline Pankhurst, the Burghers of Calais and the Buxton Memorial, with all four “recognising injustice and the need to oppose it”, Adjaye Associates said.

The £50million national memorial has not been without controversy and has come under fire since it was first proposed in 2014, including this week for its “ludicrious” proximity to the Imperial War Museum.

“The decision to build it in a park so close to the Imperial War Museum is ludicrous. The museum already has an unbelievably moving Holocaust exhibition and has its own plans for a stunning new exhibition centre”, said Nina Grunfeld, the daughter of German Jewish refugees.

A rendering of a night view of the memorial

A rendering of a night view of the memorial

Credit:
Ron Arad Architects

Earlier this year, critics of the project – including Tory MP Sir Peter Bottomley and Sir David Brewer, a former Lord Mayor of London – claimed the gardens “would cease to be an amenity for ordinary people”. Victoria Tower Garden is London’s smallest royal park and is a popular haunt for dog walkers, joggers, families – and picnicking office workers. 

The entrance of the new Holocaust memorial

An aerial view of the memorial

Credit:
Adjaye Associates

A group of some 40 MPs and peers said in a letter to the House of Lords: “The gardens are extensively used by residents, visitors to London, and the many thousands who work nearby, including those working in the Palace of Westminster. They are an oasis of calm, enjoyed as a place of exercise, play, picnics, sunbathing and dog walking.”

The final design of the memorial will be developed in discussion with Holocaust experts, including the UK Holocaust Memorial Foundation, and survivors as well as local residents, Westminster council and The Royal Parks group.

“We are deeply honoured to have been given the opportunity to tell these stories to the nation through a national memorial and learning centre. It is critical these highly important and emotive historical touchpoints are explored, so that future generations are able to experience, learn, reflect and act,” Mr Adjaye said, speaking on behalf of the design team.

RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

Will Millennials Find Hope Inside A Castle?

No More Rush Hour

Castle V startup combines co-living, co-working, and sharing inside a modern-day castle.

Millennials don’t see hope serving a company for 5, 10, or 20 years just to be fired when things go bad.”

— Castle V Co-Founder

DALLAS, UNITED STATES, November 7, 2017 /EINPresswire.com/ — Castle V is a social experiment in living, working, and sharing. The vision is to bring passionate people together to work at a company they own inside a modern-day castle with almost every conceivable amenity with awesome shared toys to make lots of money. With the purpose to be known as one of the most philanthropic organizations in the world and to give Millennials hope.

Millennials in America live in a democratic society. Sadly, most of them work at a totalitarian-controlled business where the money and power flow to the top. Millennials don’t see hope serving a company for 5, 10, or 20 years just to be fired when things go bad. That’s why there’s been an explosion in entrepreneurship amongst Millennials.

The company inside Castle V will span multiple-industries and will be employee-owned. Millennials will have a say in their destinies and share in the wealth the company creates. Instead of one person(boss) controlling their future, it will take a community vote to remove a bad apple from the castle.

Uber and Airbnb proved Millennials love to share things. Unfortunately, it’s usually only the people at the top of a company that can afford cool toys. By building a castle together, Millennials will be able to share more toys than they could own individually. Boats, RVs, ATVs, jet skis, motorcycles, Tesla cars are a few planned shared toys for Castle V.

The Atlantic magazine wrote an article, “the millennial housing trend is a repeat of the middle ages.” More and more Millennials are opting out of homeownership, preferring to live communally instead. Beyond the castle’s incredible amenities and shared toys, Millennials will live in private ocean-side apartments – rent free.

Fear blocks more Millennials from reaching their full potential than anything else. Many companies wield fear to motivate(control) their Millennial employees. The founders know fear is the most destructive and toxic substance found inside organizations. That’s why they plan to achieve a ZERO FEAR culture inside Castle V.

According to Harvard’s 75-year study, “Good relationships keep us happier and healthier than anything else.” The founders postulate great friendships will spawn inside a ZERO FEAR culture where people are living, working, and sharing things together. Castle V could end up as one of the happiest and healthiest places on earth.

Millennials want more than a paycheck. They’re passionate about making a difference that impacts the world. Aligning with Millennials, Castle V plans to become one of the world’s most generous organizations. “We see Castle V as living, working and sharing evolved,” states a Castle V founder.

Although every age is welcomed to be part of Castle V, the founders make no bones about their focus on recruiting Millennials. Join Castle V’s free live webcast launch event on November 11th. Sign up at www.CastleV.com

Will Millennials find hope inside a castle? The world is about to find out!

Andre Paul
Castle V
586 322 1579
email us here

Castle V combines co-living, co-working, and sharing inside a modern-day castle.

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Six weeks ago, the Virginia governor’s race was kind of boring, maybe in a good way.

Republican Ed Gillespie and Democrat Ralph Northam met Sept. 19 on a brightly lit stage in McLean, and for an hour politely discussed a laundry list of issues in front of a studio and television audience.

Headlines about the debate created a narrative that would hold for weeks. “Yes, Virginia: Politics Can Still Be Civil in the Trump Era,” NBC News said. “Few fireworks in gentlemanly Virginia gubernatorial debate,” wrote  Politico.

“I’ve watched every VA GOV debate since 1981,” the University of Virginia’s Larry Sabato tweeted. “Never have [two] nominees been so respectful. They barely raised their voices.”

Gubernatorial candidates Ed Gillespie, left, and Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam during a debate in McLean, Va., on Sept. 19, 2017. (Photo: Bonnie Jo Mount/The Washington Post /AP)

But even as the impression of a quiet contest took hold, the race was changing dramatically. The very next day, Gillespie’s campaign released a TV ad that transformed the race into a scorched-earth affair dominated by the Republican nominee’s appeals to voters on racially charged issues: immigration, Confederate monuments and NFL player protests.

Now, with Virginia voters set to choose a new governor Tuesday, Northam is limping to the finish line. He has struggled to rebuff Gillespie’s relentless attacks and has been unable to retake the initiative. He has even come under attack from other Democrats for moving closer to Gillespie’s positions on a few issues.

Democrats hope their advantage in registered voters, combined with anti-Trump sentiment, translates into victory. But they are worried that Northam’s low-key demeanor and conservative past — he voted for George W. Bush in 2000 and 2004 — has diminished enthusiasm on their side.

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Ralph Northam speaks with voters at a restaurant in Berryville, Va., on Oct. 25, 2017. (Photo: Steve Helber/AP)

The results Tuesday night will have a significant impact on the course of American politics for the next year, as Virginia off-year elections often do. Campaign consultants in both parties will shape their strategies for next fall’s midterm elections based in part on what happens in the commonwealth.

If Gillespie wins, his campaign will be a template for Republican campaigns around the country. Voters will hear a national conversation about sanctuary cities, Latino gangs, Confederate monuments, NFL protests and whatever other hot-button issues get added to the mix. Democrats will be forced to develop effective counter-messaging.

If Northam wins, it will be viewed as a defeat for Trump and Trumpism, much more so than the results of Alabama’s Republican primary in late September. The candidate Trump endorsed, Luther Strange, lost in Alabama, but the Republican who won — Roy Moore — embodied Trumpism much more than his opponent.

The course of events since the debate in northern Virginia illustrates the difference between the two men. Gillespie and Northam are both known by friends and acquaintances as decent and intelligent men. But only one has a long history in the cutthroat world of electoral politics.

Gillespie has spent two decades at the highest levels of Republican national politics. He was involved in the Florida recount that decided the 2000 presidential election. He chaired the Republican National Committee. He was a senior adviser to the president in George W. Bush’s administration. He oversaw the GOP’s national effort to win over state legislatures and subsequently use those state house majorities to draw congressional districts in a way that helped Republicans dominate the House of Representatives. And he was in Mitt Romney’s inner circle during the 2012 presidential campaign. During the 2012 election, he complained to reporters about the increasingly cynical culture of political combat. In 2014, he ran for the U.S. Senate in Virginia and almost pulled off a huge upset of Sen. Mark Warner, a Democrat.

Northam is a country doctor with comparatively little political experience. He’s a pediatric neurologist who practices in Norfolk. He first was elected to the state Senate in 2007, and in 2009 came close to switching parties and becoming a Republican, according to reports at the time. He was elected lieutenant governor in 2013.

The men’s backgrounds help to explain why Gillespie has been willing to bloody Northam so mercilessly and relentlessly, and why the Democrats’ response has been so ineffective.

Gillespie positioned himself over the summer as the moderate establishment figure he’s always been. He talked regularly of being a governor for “all Virginians.” He told me in June that he had come to understand the term “Black Lives Matter” as a positive thing, after first being turned off.

Republican gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie gestures during a get-out-the-vote rally in Virginia Beach, Va., on Nov. 5, 2017. Gillespie faces Democratic Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam in Tuesday’s election. (Photo: Steve Helber/AP)

“I remember the first time I heard ‘Black Lives Matter,’ and my reaction, I’m sure, was similar to that of many others, which was, ‘Well, of course they do. All lives matter,’” Gillespie said, seated in his Alexandria office. “As I thought about it and talked to people, it occurred to me that I never felt the need to say white lives matter. The fact that a significant portion of our fellow citizens feel the need to tell us that tells me something.”

“What does it tell you?” I asked him.

“It tells me that — well, I’ll just leave it at that,” Gillespie said, stopping himself from answering. He had just won the Republican primary — but only barely — over a far-right candidate, Corey Stewart, who campaigned as an immigration hardliner and who made Confederate monuments a rallying cry.

Gillespie also released an armada of serious policy papers on topics such as “sea level rise,” the “outdoor economy” and the “collective impact model as a framework to solve complicated problems.”

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Gillespie’s paper on criminal justice reform said that there are “significant racial disparities in the criminal justice system, and socioeconomic factors that hold back some of our fellow Virginians, leading them to be statistically more likely to be involved with the justice system, and struggle upon re-entry. This cannot be ignored.”

Northam did not release detailed plans for health care or taxes or transportation. Gillespie did. All told, Gillespie’s policy papers amounted to 236 pages of detail. Northam put out only 80 pages.

But after Charlottesville, Gillespie’s candidacy began to take a harder turn right. He and Northam had articulated similar positions on Confederate statues in the weeks before a white supremacist rammed his car into a crowd of people protesting against neo-Nazis and KKK members on Aug. 12. The attack killed a 32-year old Charlottesville woman and injured 19 others.

After the attack, Northam jumped to more forcefully call for the removal of Confederate statues from public places.

Gillespie, however, took a more aggressive stance in favor of keeping the monuments. He also hired an organizer around that time from southwest Virginia who had been a top Donald Trump organizer in the state, who had said those who wanted to move Confederate statues to museums were Communists.

And on Aug. 30, Gillespie released his first ad hitting Northam over sanctuary cities, even though there are none in Virginia.

But it wasn’t until after the northern Virginia debate that Gillespie began running his more provocative ads. These commercials portrayed Latinos in a way Gillespie himself spoke out against just a few years ago. One showed a photo of heavily tattooed Latino gang members with the words “Kill, Rape, Control” (a motto of some MS-13 members).

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Gillespie’s side argues that a Latino Victory Fund online video unfairly caricatured Gillespie supporters as racists. The LVF ad depicts an immigrant child’s nightmare in which he and his friends are fleeing a pickup truck with a Gillespie bumper sticker and a Confederate flag. “This ad tars everyday Virginians as bigots,” tweeted Garren Shipley, a spokesman for the Republican Party of Virginia.

Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe, a Democrat, said the LVF ad “wasn’t fair” and tried to distance Northam’s campaign from it. But Northam’s campaign gave money to the LVF for “media” on or around the day the ad was released.

The LVF ad was intended to alarm viewers, like Gillespie’s gang ad. Assessing the fairness of the ads is complicated.

MS-13 is not a new problem. It has had a significant presence in the area for two decades. But there’s some evidence of a resurgence in the gang’s strength, and there have been some grisly murders of late. However, most victims of the gang’s violence are other Latinos, who clearly aren’t the intended audience for Gillespie’s ads.

Latinos, meanwhile, were a favorite target of Trump during his campaign. He began his candidacy by characterizing Mexican immigrants as “rapists” and “killers,” and few of his promises aroused as much passionate enthusiasm from supporters as his promise to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border. Trump’s rise has emboldened white supremacist groups to march in broad daylight without masks.

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In this context, immigrant and minority concerns about violence are obviously heightened. The LVD ad illustrates this fear and argues that Gillespie is encouraging bigotry and xenophobia with his advertising.

Virginia Democrats sent a mailer to voters in late October showing photos of Gillespie, Trump and torch-bearing white nationalists who marched in Charlottesville. “This is our chance to stand up to Trump, Gillespie, and hate,” the mailer said.

After Gillespie’s MS-13 ads, he released two TV ads about Confederate monuments, doubling down on his insistence that they “stay up.” There was no mention of the “thoughtful conversation about these sensitive issues” that Gillespie had talked about as recently as August.

And then this past week, Gillespie came down hard on NFL players who have taken a knee during the national anthem before their games to protest police brutality and racial injustice.

“You’d never take a knee … so take a stand on election day,” said a Gillespie mailer sent to voters. It was a long way from the comments Gillespie had made to me a few months earlier about how he understood why African-Americans had taken to saying “Black Lives Matter.” Most of the athletes who have participated in the NFL protests are black, and attitudes about the issue break down sharply along racial lines.

Polling in the final days of the campaign has shown a slight Gillespie surge. The Real Clear Politics average for all public polling  still has Northam ahead by three points. Yet the conversation has been almost entirely about Gillespie, which has Trump allies feeling good about both the Virginia race and their own burgeoning brand of populist nationalism.

Steve Bannon, the former Trump adviser and head of Breitbart News, credited Gillespie’s hard right turn with saving his candidacy.

“It was the Trump-Stewart talking points that got Gillespie close and even maybe to victory,” said Bannon, referring to Gillespie’s hard-right primary opponent. “It was embracing Trump’s agenda.”

Republican gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie, left, and Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam, a Democrat, debate on Sept., 19, 2017, in McLean, Va. (Photo: Bill O’Leary/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

Read more from Yahoo News:

When Does it Stop: African American Activist Gets Booted Off Another Flight

Ms. Tamika Mallory, NYC Activist/ co-chair for Women’s March Movement, was removed from an American Airlines flight after she changed her seat with a kiosk, from a middle seat to an aisle seat. She was given her original seat at boarding from an agent. Ms. Mallory described the agent as “disrespectful” and “nasty.” Apparently, the agent’s attitude was not helping the situation and to make matters worse, the flight’s pilot got involved.

“Are you going to behave?”, “You’re going to get yourself a one-way ticket off this plane,” the pilot reportedly said to Ms. Mallory.

It was as if the pilot was mocking how vulnerable Ms. Mallory was in the situation, throwing it in her face that HE had control over her and whether or not she was taking that flight.

Mallory recalled it as, “White male aggression…” simply because she was a woman of color and he was the pilot.

At no point in the altercation did Ms. Mallory get an explanation as to why she wasn’t getting her seat or as to why she was being thrown off the plane, after agreeing to take her original seat.

There have been many incidents where African Americans reported being mistreated or disrespected on many mainstream airlines. This situation in particular, would have never escalated if the employees would have given Ms. Mallory a proper explanation as to why there was an issue to begin with. The crew members were unprofessional from the start. They took advantage of their positions to shame. Nobody deserves to be spoken to like they are worthless.

It’s devastating to come to a realization that so many similar stories go hidden and stay silent due to racial dominance.

This is a racial issue. This is still a problem!

People will take advantage of their positions and feel as though they have authority to talk down on people with no compassion whatsoever. It’s unfortunate that the sad reality is people will treat you like you’re not human and think it’s acceptable just by judging the way you look, how you speak and in my case, what you speak.

Activist Tamika Mallory on News One Now

We shouldn’t let others manipulate us into thinking that we are worthless or unable to speak out of fear. Ms. Mallory is taking initiative in making sure that this issue is not put to sleep.

I admire Ms. Mallory for using her voice to shine on an issue that many of us go through. This is a prime example of what women of color go through every day at school, work, & in public and it is in dire need of an ending.

Written By: Carolina Avila

Why the Virginia governor’s race turned nasty

Six weeks ago, the Virginia governor’s race was kind of boring, maybe in a good way.

Republican Ed Gillespie and Democrat Ralph Northam met Sept. 19 on a brightly lit stage in McLean, and for an hour politely discussed a laundry list of issues in front of a studio and television audience.

Headlines about the debate created a narrative that would hold for weeks. “Yes, Virginia: Politics Can Still Be Civil in the Trump Era,” NBC News said. “Few fireworks in gentlemanly Virginia gubernatorial debate,” wrote  Politico.

“I’ve watched every VA GOV debate since 1981,” the University of Virginia’s Larry Sabato tweeted. “Never have [two] nominees been so respectful. They barely raised their voices.”

Gubernatorial candidates Ed Gillespie, left, and Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam during a debate in McLean, Va., on Sept. 19, 2017. (Photo: Bonnie Jo Mount/The Washington Post /AP)

But even as the impression of a quiet contest took hold, the race was changing dramatically. The very next day, Gillespie’s campaign released a TV ad that transformed the race into a scorched-earth affair dominated by the Republican nominee’s appeals to voters on racially charged issues: immigration, Confederate monuments and NFL player protests.

Now, with Virginia voters set to choose a new governor Tuesday, Northam is limping to the finish line. He has struggled to rebuff Gillespie’s relentless attacks and has been unable to retake the initiative. He has even come under attack from other Democrats for moving closer to Gillespie’s positions on a few issues.

Democrats hope their advantage in registered voters, combined with anti-Trump sentiment, translates into victory. But they are worried that Northam’s low-key demeanor and conservative past — he voted for George W. Bush in 2000 and 2004 — has diminished enthusiasm on their side.

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Ralph Northam speaks with voters at a restaurant in Berryville, Va., on Oct. 25, 2017. (Photo: Steve Helber/AP)

The results Tuesday night will have a significant impact on the course of American politics for the next year, as Virginia off-year elections often do. Campaign consultants in both parties will shape their strategies for next fall’s midterm elections based in part on what happens in the commonwealth.

If Gillespie wins, his campaign will be a template for Republican campaigns around the country. Voters will hear a national conversation about sanctuary cities, Latino gangs, Confederate monuments, NFL protests and whatever other hot-button issues get added to the mix. Democrats will be forced to develop effective counter-messaging.

If Northam wins, it will be viewed as a defeat for Trump and Trumpism, much more so than the results of Alabama’s Republican primary in late September. The candidate Trump endorsed, Luther Strange, lost in Alabama, but the Republican who won — Roy Moore — embodied Trumpism much more than his opponent.

The course of events since the debate in northern Virginia illustrates the difference between the two men. Gillespie and Northam are both known by friends and acquaintances as decent and intelligent men. But only one has a long history in the cutthroat world of electoral politics.

Gillespie has spent two decades at the highest levels of Republican national politics. He was involved in the Florida recount that decided the 2000 presidential election. He chaired the Republican National Committee. He was a senior adviser to the president in George W. Bush’s administration. He oversaw the GOP’s national effort to win over state legislatures and subsequently use those state house majorities to draw congressional districts in a way that helped Republicans dominate the House of Representatives. And he was in Mitt Romney’s inner circle during the 2012 presidential campaign. During the 2012 election, he complained to reporters about the increasingly cynical culture of political combat. In 2014, he ran for the U.S. Senate in Virginia and almost pulled off a huge upset of Sen. Mark Warner, a Democrat.

Northam is a country doctor with comparatively little political experience. He’s a pediatric neurologist who practices in Norfolk. He first was elected to the state Senate in 2007, and in 2009 came close to switching parties and becoming a Republican, according to reports at the time. He was elected lieutenant governor in 2013.

The men’s backgrounds help to explain why Gillespie has been willing to bloody Northam so mercilessly and relentlessly, and why the Democrats’ response has been so ineffective.

Gillespie positioned himself over the summer as the moderate establishment figure he’s always been. He talked regularly of being a governor for “all Virginians.” He told me in June that he had come to understand the term “Black Lives Matter” as a positive thing, after first being turned off.

Republican gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie gestures during a get-out-the-vote rally in Virginia Beach, Va., on Nov. 5, 2017. Gillespie faces Democratic Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam in Tuesday’s election. (Photo: Steve Helber/AP)

“I remember the first time I heard ‘Black Lives Matter,’ and my reaction, I’m sure, was similar to that of many others, which was, ‘Well, of course they do. All lives matter,’” Gillespie said, seated in his Alexandria office. “As I thought about it and talked to people, it occurred to me that I never felt the need to say white lives matter. The fact that a significant portion of our fellow citizens feel the need to tell us that tells me something.”

“What does it tell you?” I asked him.

“It tells me that — well, I’ll just leave it at that,” Gillespie said, stopping himself from answering. He had just won the Republican primary — but only barely — over a far-right candidate, Corey Stewart, who campaigned as an immigration hardliner and who made Confederate monuments a rallying cry.

Gillespie also released an armada of serious policy papers on topics such as “sea level rise,” the “outdoor economy” and the “collective impact model as a framework to solve complicated problems.”

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Gillespie’s paper on criminal justice reform said that there are “significant racial disparities in the criminal justice system, and socioeconomic factors that hold back some of our fellow Virginians, leading them to be statistically more likely to be involved with the justice system, and struggle upon re-entry. This cannot be ignored.”

Northam did not release detailed plans for health care or taxes or transportation. Gillespie did. All told, Gillespie’s policy papers amounted to 236 pages of detail. Northam put out only 80 pages.

But after Charlottesville, Gillespie’s candidacy began to take a harder turn right. He and Northam had articulated similar positions on Confederate statues in the weeks before a white supremacist rammed his car into a crowd of people protesting against neo-Nazis and KKK members on Aug. 12. The attack killed a 32-year old Charlottesville woman and injured 19 others.

After the attack, Northam jumped to more forcefully call for the removal of Confederate statues from public places.

Gillespie, however, took a more aggressive stance in favor of keeping the monuments. He also hired an organizer around that time from southwest Virginia who had been a top Donald Trump organizer in the state, who had said those who wanted to move Confederate statues to museums were Communists.

And on Aug. 30, Gillespie released his first ad hitting Northam over sanctuary cities, even though there are none in Virginia.

But it wasn’t until after the northern Virginia debate that Gillespie began running his more provocative ads. These commercials portrayed Latinos in a way Gillespie himself spoke out against just a few years ago. One showed a photo of heavily tattooed Latino gang members with the words “Kill, Rape, Control” (a motto of some MS-13 members).

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Gillespie’s side argues that a Latino Victory Fund online video unfairly caricatured Gillespie supporters as racists. The LVF ad depicts an immigrant child’s nightmare in which he and his friends are fleeing a pickup truck with a Gillespie bumper sticker and a Confederate flag. “This ad tars everyday Virginians as bigots,” tweeted Garren Shipley, a spokesman for the Republican Party of Virginia.

Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe, a Democrat, said the LVF ad “wasn’t fair” and tried to distance Northam’s campaign from it. But Northam’s campaign gave money to the LVF for “media” on or around the day the ad was released.

The LVF ad was intended to alarm viewers, like Gillespie’s gang ad. Assessing the fairness of the ads is complicated.

MS-13 is not a new problem. It has had a significant presence in the area for two decades. But there’s some evidence of a resurgence in the gang’s strength, and there have been some grisly murders of late. However, most victims of the gang’s violence are other Latinos, who clearly aren’t the intended audience for Gillespie’s ads.

Latinos, meanwhile, were a favorite target of Trump during his campaign. He began his candidacy by characterizing Mexican immigrants as “rapists” and “killers,” and few of his promises aroused as much passionate enthusiasm from supporters as his promise to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border. Trump’s rise has emboldened white supremacist groups to march in broad daylight without masks.

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In this context, immigrant and minority concerns about violence are obviously heightened. The LVD ad illustrates this fear and argues that Gillespie is encouraging bigotry and xenophobia with his advertising.

Virginia Democrats sent a mailer to voters in late October showing photos of Gillespie, Trump and torch-bearing white nationalists who marched in Charlottesville. “This is our chance to stand up to Trump, Gillespie, and hate,” the mailer said.

After Gillespie’s MS-13 ads, he released two TV ads about Confederate monuments, doubling down on his insistence that they “stay up.” There was no mention of the “thoughtful conversation about these sensitive issues” that Gillespie had talked about as recently as August.

And then this past week, Gillespie came down hard on NFL players who have taken a knee during the national anthem before their games to protest police brutality and racial injustice.

“You’d never take a knee … so take a stand on election day,” said a Gillespie mailer sent to voters. It was a long way from the comments Gillespie had made to me a few months earlier about how he understood why African-Americans had taken to saying “Black Lives Matter.” Most of the athletes who have participated in the NFL protests are black, and attitudes about the issue break down sharply along racial lines.

Polling in the final days of the campaign has shown a slight Gillespie surge. The Real Clear Politics average for all public polling  still has Northam ahead by three points. Yet the conversation has been almost entirely about Gillespie, which has Trump allies feeling good about both the Virginia race and their own burgeoning brand of populist nationalism.

Steve Bannon, the former Trump adviser and head of Breitbart News, credited Gillespie’s hard right turn with saving his candidacy.

“It was the Trump-Stewart talking points that got Gillespie close and even maybe to victory,” said Bannon, referring to Gillespie’s hard-right primary opponent. “It was embracing Trump’s agenda.”

Republican gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie, left, and Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam, a Democrat, debate on Sept., 19, 2017, in McLean, Va. (Photo: Bill O’Leary/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

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A charmed life in Galewood’s Miracle House

David Scheiner’s outsized personality matches his abode

Tuesday, November 7th, 2017 3:18 PM

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Dr. David Scheiner gets emotional when he talks about his home, a mid-century modern that commands the corner of Armitage and Nordica in Galewood like a 1950s-era Hollywood starlet stranded in Peoria. It is both sexy and sublime, both glam pad and cathedral. 

“If my health will hold up, I’ll stay there until I’m feeble,” Scheiner said during an interview last week. He was on the verge of tears. “I’ve never been in a house where every single time I walk in I’m excited.” 

The house was designed by the architect Edo Belli in 1954 to benefit St. William Church, according to WTTW’s Geoffrey Baer. The home was the grand prize in a raffle the church sponsored to raise money for a new house of worship. Tickets were $1 and the consolation prizes were ashtrays imprinted with an image of the home. 

By the time the raffle was over, Baer said, the church had raised enough funds to cover the cost of the house itself, the new church, a convent, a school and a refectory. 

“By the time it was over, the house was entirely built with donated labor and materials,” said Baer. General Electric, for instance, donated electrical equipment. 

The famous Hollywood actress Kim Novak, an alumnus of St. William, came to town to announce the winner of the home (since dubbed the Miracle House), who happened to be a parishioner. 

Scheiner bought the house in 1999 on the advice of his late wife, who had known about the home while growing up on the Northwest Side. When it was on the market, the couple, who weren’t married at the time, toured the roughly 4,000-square-foot home. 

“I walked in and my jaw dropped,” Scheiner said, noting that he purchased the whole thing for around $375,000 at the time. 

The home, he said, is 70 percent glass, the floors are marble, the Jetson-style stainless-steel arms imitate the flying buttresses that hold up European cathedrals. Fitting with its history, the home seamlessly marries the secular with the spiritual. 

During his interview last month, Scheiner pulled out his cellphone to show a grainy photo of a smiling man sitting in the driver’s seat of a fancy automobile that’s parked out in front of the Miracle House. The photo has to be at least 40 or 50 years old. 

“Take a close look,” Scheiner says. “Who is that? Yes. Hugh Hefner.” 

Hefner, like Novak, grew up in Galewood.

Scheiner’s own back story is as charmed as his home of 18 years. The retired physician likes to say he knew Barack Obama before Michelle did, which is probably true. Scheiner was the former president’s personal doctor for nearly two decades right up until Obama won the presidency in 2008. 

“My practice was in Hyde Park, where he lived,” Scheiner said. “He came in one day. He wasn’t even state senator yet. He might have still been at Harvard Law. During his very first visit into the office, I asked him if was going into politics. 

“The very first visit. When he walked into the room, the room changed. He had a presence about him that was hard to describe, but it changed the atmosphere in the room. The only other person who I can describe that way is Cardinal Bernardin. When Bernardin entered a room, it changed. Obama has a presence about him.” 

The would-be president, Scheiner said, had a habit of speaking to everyone in the waiting room — from university professors to people on public aid. Scheiner said that around 80 percent of his clientele was black. 

“I’m probably the only physician who has had two African American senators for patients,” he said. “Carol Mosley Braun was a close friend of my first wife.” 

Scheiner said he didn’t accompany the president to Washington D.C. because, typically, the personal physicians of presidents come from a military background and have expertise in administering emergency care. 

When Obama was attempting to pass his signature legislation, the American Affordable Care Act, Scheiner — a proponent of single payer health care — was one of his former patient’s most outspoken critics, speaking to outlets like Fox News and Forbes rather frequently. 

So what’s his diagnosis of his former patient’s eight years in office? 

“I’m trying to figure out where I would put him in terms of presidents,” Scheiner said. “Not great, but maybe a notch below the greats. We’ve had so many terrible presidents, to say he would be near the top is sort of damning him with faint praise.” 

Scheiner said he’s feeling rather despondent about the state of politics in America. When he talks about the current president, the former doctor’s wit shines through, his conversation veering toward oral history. 

“I grew up in a conservative family,” he said. “My uncle was the founder and publisher of U.S. News & World Report. There was one Republican senator who I liked a lot. That was when there was such a thing as moderate Republicans. I haven’t voted a Republican for dog catcher in a while. I’m shocked by the way they’re behaving now. The fact that they’re not speaking out against Trump is appalling.”

What about his diagnosis of Trump? 

“There’s one thing about Trump that people don’t give him credit for,” Scheiner said. “The Buchanan family is amazingly happy about Trump because for many years Buchanan was considered the worst president we’ve ever had.” 

If Studs Terkel could have heard that voice. Then again, he likely may have. He, too, was one of Scheiner’s patients. 

CONTACT: michael@austinweeklynews.com 

History has a Medical Lesson of Humans – 3P shilajit resurrect the centuries old Ayurveda Medicine

3P Shilajit

MISSISSAUGA, ONTARIO, CANADA, November 7, 2017 /EINPresswire.com/ — Weak immune system; low stamina and early aging are some of the most serious health concerns of today’s world. The unhealthy diet and excessive processed food consumption has left humans with a weakened immune system to cope with aging diseases. Men and women are in constant struggle to find a cure to their deteriorating mental and physical health. They are in fear of losing the battle against diseases early in their life.

The answer to healthy living lies in nature. Nature has blessed us with some extraordinary natural substances that can help us revitalize deteriorating health and strengthen immune system. Among the lot, Shilajit is one such amazing natural substance, also known as “miracle herb”. It is the most powerful natural organic medicine that has been used for thousands of years in traditional medicine. Recent scientific studies have established the rejuvenating and authorizing health impacts of shilajit against various mental and physical diseases.

3P shilajit, a Mississauga, Canada based online store has launched an excessive campaign in promoting health concerns among the masses. The recent bid of the company engulf vital stats concerning the health of modern day humans. According to company’s CEO, Mr. Ramsey, “3P shilajit is redefining the natural medicine industry. Our aim is to create mass awareness about the potential benefits of natural medicines. For eternity, our ancestors have relied on these natural medicinal agents for their health and I am sure they had a better health and immune system than today’s humans. 3P shilajit is reassessing the potential benefits of this lost herb and we have gotten some great response until now”. He was quite vocal about the quality and benefits of shilajit, “3P shilajit is importing the finest quality of shilajit resin in the world. Our source lies deep within the highest valleys of Himalayan Mountain Ranges, the renowned source of premium quality shilajit”. Explaining the benefits of shilajit he said, “Shilajit is one of the most concentrated and powerful organic natural substance with loads of mental and physical health benefits. It is a compound of over 85 vital nutrients and minerals our body requires essentially”.

Shilajit, though have remained a vital healing medicine in Ayurveda, is just gaining the recognition worldwide. Recent scientific studies have established the medicinal wonders of this “Mountain Herb” for mental and physical health. It is a natural organic detoxifier, with many vital trace elements and nutrients missing in our daily diet. A regular intake of organic shilajit resin can help improve stamina, mental health and create a sense of rejuvenation among men and women. Shilajit is also highly beneficial to regain or enhance men’s fertility, while help sustain pregnancy pain for women.

About 3P Shilajit:
3P shilajit is a Calgary, Canada based online store offering wide range of organic Himalayan shilajit resin and products. The store is known for its commitment to quality and premium quality products with no chemicals or additives. The store has been promoting use of natural organic substances with zero additives for many mental and physical health diseases. You can also checkout the complete range of organic shilajit resin products at www.3pshilajit.com.

Ramsey
3P Shilajit
+17867802688
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