Racism scandal rocks run-up to W’Cup

A new racism scandal has rocked Russian football … of the ‘beautiful game’. But racism reared its ugly head on … with our fans’ perception of African American and black players. “The problem … RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News

African American author and education advocate to host scholarship bootcamp on “how to send your kids to college without going broke”

Gwen Thomas teaching parents at one of her previous scholarship bootcamps

Washington, DC (BlackNews.com) — In just a few months, nervous parents of high school seniors will be making the final decisions of how they will pay for college for their students. Author and education advocate Gwen Thomas will host, “Pursuing The Dream – A Scholarship Boot Camp” on April 7 from 8:30 to 12:00 pm at the Reginald F. Lewis Museum, 830 E Pratt St., Baltimore, MD, 21202. Thomas is the founder of Fresh Perspectives Seminars and the author of the popular college guidebook, The Parent’s Smart Guide to Sending Your Kids to College without Going Broke.

This event is one of many in observance of the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The event is free and open to the public. Parents, educators, mentors and students are encouraged to attend this inspiring event.

Like Dr. King, Thomas, is an advocate for education equity. Since writing and publishing The Parents Smart Guide to Sending Your Kids to College without Going Broke in 2015, she continues her mission as a leader and a resource teaching parents to think critically about college readiness, financial planning, and funding a college education.

“If Dr. King were alive today, he would be championing the issue of making college affordable and supporting efforts to educate students and their families on how to take the debt out of college. We have to stop the cycle of debt of students returning home from college with debt and no degree and with debt, a degree and no sustainable job in their field,” Thomas said.

Thomas believes that the increasing cost of a college education is a hefty price to pay for most families. Her goal is to show families how to get on the right academic track to win scholarships and funding. She educates parents and students on the appropriate selection of colleges and fields of study that will afford them sustainable careers.

Since her program launched 5 years ago, she has steered hundreds of families, civic organizations, and corporations on the strategies and tactics that empower families and students to get through college without going into debt and found over five million in scholarship awards that also afforded students to travel to more than 100 international cities.

Dr. King was an American Baptist minister and leader of the US civil rights movement. In addition, King received the 1954 Nobel Peace Prize for his work using nonviolent tactics.

Considering education, King said, “The function of education is to teach one to think intensively and to think critically. Intelligence plus character – that is the role of true education.”

This year, Thomas will conduct a series of “Pursuing The Dream – Scholarship Bootcamp” seminars around the country. Her organization Fresh Perspectives, also hosts “The Black Friday Scholarship Bootcamp” held in November annually in Detroit. If you are interested in attending theses event or becoming a sponsor or partners, visit www.freshperspectivesseminars.org or call 609-474-4877 for more information.

About Gwen Thomas, Fresh Perspectives Seminars

Gwen Thomas is an American author, advocate, educator, entrepreneur and parent. She has held college readiness seminars in approximately 20 cities, 10 states, 4 countries and appeared in EducationUSA webinar broadcasts in 220 countries. She is the author of The Parents Smart Guide to Sending Your Kids to College Without Going Broke. The book is available at www.freshperspectivesseminars.org

Thomas serves as the Executive Director of Fresh Perspectives Seminars. In 2013, Thomas created a grass roots pilot program, where her coached her son and he obtained over $500,000 in direct college scholarships from various foundations. He was a graduate of Morehouse College and Johns Hopkins University -SAIS. In addition, Cameron optimized studying abroad to more than 40 countries in an effort to make himself globally competitive.

Fresh Perspectives Seminars is a 501 (c) 3 organization headquartered in Detroit with satellite offices in Alexandria and Washington, DC. The organizations has helped thousands of students win more than 5 million in direct scholarships around the globe.

First Professional baseball team to be named after an African American woman

Coach and founder, Mike Mayden & Illinois Governor, Bruce Rauner

Chicago, IL (BlackNews.com) — The National Urban Baseball League is pleased to announce that it will be the first professional baseball league to have a team named after an African American woman, Attorney Vickie Pasley. The team, which will be based in Chicago, will be called the Vickie Pasley All Stars.

The league is scheduled to start this year’s season on May 25, 2018. They have already secured players, organized teams and have established a league schedule. They especially want to bring this league to southern cities that don’t have professional sports teams, and they want their teams to be a vehicle that will provide affordable family entertainment, as well as an meet-and-greet opportunities for family, friends and neighbors throughout the summer months.

Mike Mayden, coach and founder of The National Urban Baseball League, says he wants to rekindle the hopes and dreams of countless baseball players that felt like their dreams of playing professional baseball had pass them by.

He comments, “We want the youth, the teen, the adults and the seniors to come out and enjoy themselves at the ballpark with each day having a special theme (Jazz/Blues Night, Senior Citizen Day, Gospel Night, Open Mic Night, Family & Friends Old School Night, and Game Day @ The Park).”

Support is needed

The success and continuation of this league is based on financial support that is being appealed to local businesses, as well as community and church leaders for their sponsorship (outfield banner arranging from $750 – $2,500). Others who are interested in becoming a sponsor should contact the league at 773-744-1040.

Donations are also being accepted online via the following link:

For more details about The National Urban Baseball League, visit www.nupbl.com

Where Have You Gone, George McGovern?

This article originally appeared at TruthDig.

He knew war well—well enough to know he hated it.

George McGovern was a senator from South Dakota, and he was a Democrat true liberals could admire. Though remembered as a staunch liberal and foreign policy dove, McGovern was no stranger to combat. He flew 35 missions as a B-24 pilot in Italy during World War II. He even earned the Distinguished Flying Cross for executing a heroic emergency crash landing after his bomber was damaged by German anti-aircraft fire.

Still, George McGovern was a humble man who carried the burden, and honor, of his military service with grace. Though proud of his service, he was never constrained by it. When he saw a foolish war, an immoral war—like Vietnam—he stood ready to dissent. He was an unapologetic liberal and unwavering in his antiwar stance. These days, his kind is an endangered species on Capitol Hill and in the Democratic National Committee. McGovern died in 2012. His party, and the United States, are lesser for his absence.

Today’s Democrats are mostly avid hawks, probably to the right of Richard Nixon on foreign policy. They dutifully voted for Bush’s Iraq war. Then, they won back the White House and promptly expanded an unwinnable Afghan war. Soon, they again lost the presidency—to a reality TV star—and raised hardly a peep as Donald Trump expanded America’s aimless wars into the realm of the absurd.

I’ve long known this, but most liberals—deeply ensconced (or distracted) by hyper-identity politics—hardly notice. Still, every once in a while something reminds me of how lost the Democrats truly are.

I nearly spit up my food the other day. Watching on C-SPAN as Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., gleefully attended a panel at the American Israeli Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) conference, I couldn’t help but wonder what has happened to the Democratic Party. The worst part is I like her, mostly. Look, I agree with Sen. Klobuchar on most domestic issues: health care, taxes and more. But she—a supposed liberal—and her mainstream Democratic colleagues are complicit in the perpetuation of America’s warfare state and neo-imperial interventionism. Sen. Klobuchar and other Democrats’ reflexive support for Israel is but a symptom of a larger disease in the party—tacit militarism.

AIPAC is a lobbying clique almost as savvy and definitely as effective as the NRA. Its meetings—well attended by mainstream Democrats and Republicans alike—serve as little more than an opportunity for Washington pols to kiss Benjamin Netanyahu’s ring and swear fealty to Israel. Most of the time, participants don’t dare utter the word “Palestinian.” That’d be untoward—Palestinians are the unacknowledged elephants in the room.

The far right-wing Israeli government of Netanyahu, who is little more than a co-conspirator and enabler for America’s failed project in the Middle East, should be the last group “liberals” pander to. That said, the state of Israel is a fact. Its people—just like the Palestinians—deserve security and liberty. Love it or hate it, Israel will continue to exist. The question is: Can Israel remain both exclusively Jewish and democratic? I’m less certain about that. For 50 years now, the Israeli military has divided, occupied and enabled the illegal settlement of sovereign Palestinian territory, keeping Arabs in limbo without citizenship or meaningful civil rights.

This is, so far as international law is concerned, a war crime. As such, unflinching American support for Israeli policy irreversibly damages the U.S. military’s reputation on the “Arab street.” I’ve seen it firsthand. In Iraq and Afghanistan, hundreds and thousands of miles away from Jerusalem, captured prisoners and hospitable families alike constantly pointed to unfettered US support for Israel and the plight of Palestinians when answering that naive and ubiquitous American question: “Why do they hate us?”

Heck, even Gen. David “Generational War” Petraeus, once found himself in some hot water when—in a rare moment of candor—he admitted that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict “foments anti-American sentiment, due to a perception of US favoritism for Israel.” Translation: US policy toward Israel (and, no doubt, the foolhardy 2003 invasion of Iraq) make American soldiers less safe.

So does the basic post-9/11 American policy of sovereignty violation and expansive military intervention whenever and wherever Washington feels like it—so long as it’s in the name of fighting (you guessed it) “terrorism.” So, which “liberals” are raising hell and ringing the alarm bells for their constituents about Israeli occupation and America’s strategic overreach? Sen. Klobuchar? Hardly. She, and all but four Democrats, voted for the latest bloated Pentagon budget with few questions asked. Almost as many Republicans voted against the bill. So, which is the antiwar party these days? It’s hard to know.

Besides, the Dems mustered fewer than 30 votes in support of the Rand Paul amendment and his modest call to repeal and replace America’s outdated, vague Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF). All Sen. Paul, a libertarian Republican, wanted to do was force a vote—in six months—to revisit the AUMF. This wasn’t radical stuff by any means. The failure of Paul’s amendment, when paired with the absolute dearth of Democratic dissent on contemporary foreign policy, proves one thing conclusively: There is no longer an antiwar constituency in a major American political party. The two-party system has failed what’s left of the antiwar movement.

By no means is Amy Klobuchar alone in her forever-war complicity. Long before she graced the halls of the Senate, her prominent precursors—Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer (to name just a few)—rubber-stamped a war of aggression in Iraq and mostly acquiesced as one president after another (including Barack Obama) gradually expanded America’s post-9/11 wars. When will it end? No one knows, really, but so far, the US military has deployed advisers or commandos to 70 percent of the world’s countries and is actively bombing at least seven. That’s the problem with waging clandestine wars with professional soldiers while asking nothing of an apathetic public: These conflicts tend to grow and grow, until, one day—which passed long ago—hardly anyone realizes we’re now at war with most everyone.

So where are the doves now? On the fringe, that’s where. Screaming from the distant corners of the libertarian right and extreme left. No one cares, no one is listening, and they can hardly get a hearing on either MSNBC or Fox. It’s the one thing both networks agree on: endless, unquestioned war. Hooray for 21st century bipartisanship.

Still, Americans deserve more from the Democrats, once (however briefly) the party of McGovern. These days, the Dems hate Trump more than they like anything. To be a principled national party, they’ve got to be more than just anti-Trump. They need to provide a substantive alternative and present a better foreign policy offer. How about a do-less strategy: For starters, some modesty and prudent caution would go a long way.

George McGovern—a true patriot, a man who knew war but loved peace—wouldn’t recognize the likes of Klobuchar, Clinton, Schumer and company. He’d be rightfully embarrassed by their supplication to the national warfare state.

In 1972, McGovern’s presidential campaign (as, to some extent, Bernie’s did) reached out to impassioned youth in the “New Left,” and formed a rainbow coalition with African-Americans and other minority groups. His Democrats were no longer the party of Cold War consensus, no longer the party of LBJ and Vietnam. No, McGovern’s signature issue was peace, and opposition to that disastrous war.

His campaign distributed pins and T-shirts bearing white doves. Could you even imagine a mainstream Democrat getting within 1,000 meters of such a symbol today? Of course not.

Today’s Dems are too frightened, fearful of being labeled “soft” (note the sexual innuendo) on “terror,” and have thus ceded foreign policy preeminence to the unhinged, uber-hawk Republicans. We live, today, with the results of that cowardly concession.

The thing about McGovern is that he lost the 1972 election, by a landslide. And maybe that’s the point. Today’s Democrats would rather win than be right. Somewhere along the way, they lost their souls. Worse still, they aren’t any good at winning, either.

Sure, they and everybody else “support the troops.” Essentially, that means the Dems will at least fight for veterans’ health care and immigration rights when vets return from battle. That’s admirable enough. What they won’t countenance, or even consider, is a more comprehensive, and ethical, solution: to end these aimless wars and stop making new veterans that need “saving.”

Major Danny Sjursen, an Antiwar.com regular, is a U.S. Army officer and former history instructor at West Point. He served tours with reconnaissance units in Iraq and Afghanistan. He has written a memoir and critical analysis of the Iraq War, Ghost Riders of Baghdad: Soldiers, Civilians, and the Myth of the Surge. He lives with his wife and four sons in Lawrence, Kansas. Follow him on Twitter at @SkepticalVet and check out his new podcast “Fortress on a Hill,” co-hosted with fellow vet Chris ‘Henri’ Henrikson.

[Note: The views expressed in this article are those of the author, expressed in an unofficial capacity, and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. government.]

Copyright 2018 Danny Sjursen

Read more by Maj. Danny Sjursen

As One Generation Is Honored, Another Looks Forward

By Lisa Snowden-McCray, Special to the AFRO

Last weekend, Georgia’s Rep. John Lewis marched alongside thousands of others in the March for Our Lives – an ant-gun violence gathering that took place in Washington, D.C.
“You must never give up, never give in. Keep your place and have victory,” he told the crowd.

Rep. John Lewis (AFRO file photo)

Lewis has lived those words. Even before he crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama on Bloody Sunday, Lewis, the son of sharecroppers had made a name for himself as an immovable fighter for civil rights. He’s lauded as an elder statesman now, a civil rights hero because even as his profile rose, he never abandoned his central, humble desire for change.

He’s not the only one of the civil rights “old guard” – people who have been fighting for change for decades – who remains vibrant and active even now. California Rep. Maxine Waters has picked up a new generation of supporters through her unyielding, and very vocal, call-outs of President Donald Trump. Rev. Al Sharpton is also still very active, especially with his civil rights organization, the National Action Network. As is Jesse Jackson, although he’s been sidelined somewhat recently with a Parkinson’s Disease diagnosis.

President Barack Obama (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster)

The question now, though, is this: as unarmed Black people are murdered in the streets by police (most recently, Danny Ray Thomas in Houston, Texas and Stephon Clark in Sacramento, California), as White supremacists, emboldened by the election of President Donald Trump, emerge from the shadows, as deadly and dangerous as ever – who are the new leaders of the civil rights movement?

There is Baltimore native DeRay Mckesson, notable for his blue Patagonia vest. Mckesson became a familiar face during the protests that sprung up in Ferguson, Missouri after 18-year-old Mike Brown was shot and killed by a police officer, and here in Baltimore in the uprising that happened after Freddie Gray’s death. Now, he’s seen less often on the streets but he can be heard on his political podcast, entitled Pod Save the People. Mckesson also has a book coming out next September, “On the Other Side of Freedom: The Case for Hope.” Mckesson says he hopes to discuss activism, justice, and racism in America.

DeRay McKesson. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, File)

Widening the scope, Barack Obama secured his place in history by becoming the first Black president, but could one accurately call him a civil rights leader? Obama used his time in office to serve as a proud patron of Black arts – hosting actors, rappers and musicians at the White House. He also began My Brother’s Keeper, an initiative designed to empower young Black men. However, Obama has taken heat from some corners of the Black community for not moving fast enough on some Black issues, and for his criticism of the Black Lives Matter movement, by telling members they should respect police and that they can’t just “keep on yelling.”

Then there is California senator Kamala Harris, whose rise to popularity has driven many to compare her to Obama. She was the first person of color and first women elected to be California’s attorney general. She is now California’s first Black senator. She’s also a tireless fighter for the rights of DACA recipients.

Sen. Kamala Harris (Photo: Business Wire)

Still, Harris has been criticized for her stance on ICE (the former prosecutor recently said on MSNBC “I believe that there needs to be serious, severe and swift consequence when people commit serious and violent crimes…and certainly if they are undocumented they should be deported if they commit those serious and violent offenses. So yes, ICE has a purpose, ICE has a role, ICE should exist. But let’s not abuse the power.”)

And while we are talking about slickly packaged erstwhile civil rights stars, we can’t forget Baltimore States Attorney Marilyn Mosby, who is currently running for re-election. Mosby will be forever linked to the 2015 death of Freddie Gray, and fact that she filed criminal charges against the six officers who were involved in his arrest (even though none of them were ultimately convicted). She was recently honored by the NAACP during their 2017 convention in Baltimore, and regularly hosts fundraisers with big stars (she has one coming up with ESPN’s Lisa Salters).

However, this comes with that fact that her department is at least tangentially caught up in historic-level corruption in Baltimore’s police department, and while she faces criticism from Black activists in the city – including Kelly Davis, the wife of Keith Davis, a man who maintains he was set up by Baltimore City Police in the killing of a Pimlico security guard in June of 2015. The Davis’ say that Mosby’s office continues to pursue charges against Keith even though his case has proven to be extremely flawed. There is also Tawanda Jones, a Black woman who says her brother, Tyrone West, was killed by Baltimore City Police in 2013. Jones has asked Mosby’s office to reopen the case, so far to no avail.
So where does this leave us?

The push-pull of what progress looks like for Black Americans has been going on for centuries. Remember the debate between W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington? Or the historical framing that sometimes pits Martin Luther King against Malcolm X?
It’s no coincidence that Obama, Harris, and even Mosby have faced very vocal criticism from more left-aligned Black people. The Black Lives Matter movement has been a rowdy, wakeup call for many Democratic leaders, especially those who know that they need active and engaged young people to continue doing the work that they do. Even established civil rights groups like the NAACP have been left scrambling, figuring out what to do with these activists.

Young people have actually interrupted events put on by Sharpton and the like, demanding that their wants and needs be addressed.

But it’s nothing new.

“The young grass-roots activists I’ve spoken to have a broad suite of concerns: the school-to-prison pipeline, educational inequality, the over-policing of black and Latino communities. In essence, they’re trying to take on deeply entrenched discrimination that is fueled less by showy bigotry than systemic, implicit biases,” Gene Demby wrote in a 2015 piece for Politico Magazine about the new civil rights movement.

It’s good to both widen what we expect from this country, and also be more specific in how we target our fight.

The job, then, its to be discerning and understand that most people have faults, but to keep looking forward. And to keep looking beyond the glitz and accolades for organizers on the ground, doing the work to become the next generation of civil rights leaders.

RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

Hampton University at 150: Artists and entertainers who made mark at school, beyond

By the time Raashaun Casey arrived as a freshman at Hampton University, he already was an experienced DJ, having learned to make mixtapes while growing up in Queens, N.Y.

The first in his family to attend college, he chose to major in business administration — it was part of a plan, but so was his music.

“I knew that was what I loved, and the music helped me with college — tuition, food, laundry,” he says. “I loved music and loved DJ-ing, so I stayed on that plain. I studied business marketing management, but I figured I would give music a year or two. If it took off, great. If not, I could use that business education.”

Today Casey is known as DJ Envy, one of the hosts of The Breakfast Club, a syndicated hip-hop radio show out of New York that airs in dozens of markets around the U.S., including 103 JAMZ in Hampton Roads.

“I was actually now kind of well known as costume designer, I felt like people were enjoying my costume designs. I was going to the library and reading up on costume design. I knew how to draw, I come from a family of artists, I even did illustrations and stuff like that. So that was my training at Hampton.”

Carter said she found a mentor in professor Linda Bolton Smith, who even provided a basement apartment when Carter needed a place to live during her senior year. In learning from Smith, she said, she was “immersed in my consciousness of black theater, which kind of leads you to black history which leads you to the consciousness of being positive and the African diaspora.”

Spencer Christian studied English and journalism at Hampton, envisioning himself one day as an investigative reporter at The Washington Post or The New York Times. Born in Newport News and raised in Charles City, he had received scholarship offers from schools such as Columbia and Swarthmore but decided he would feel more comfortable at Hampton.

Upon graduating in 1965, he took a job in television with WBBT in Richmond, covering state government and courts. When the station’s meteorologist left unexpectedly, Christian was asked to fill in — and the viewers quickly warmed to his charismatic style. He took the job full time, with a raise in pay. Within a few years he was at WBAC in New York, a position that led him to a 12-year run as the weather man for ABC’s “Good Morning America.”

Today, at age 70, he is at the ABC affiliate in San Francisco. He doesn’t get back to Virginia often, but he knows that’s where the roots of his career were planted. Growing up in the Deep South during the civil rights movement, he became fascinated by journalism and news coverage long before he began taking journalism courses at Hampton.

“It wasn’t so much anything that happened in the classroom, or in my academic experience, that triggered my interest in this business,” Christian said. “That was already there, spurred by the events of that era. But Hampton prepared me quite well in many ways. In one of my courses, my professor was a retired Air Force colonel who liked the way I expressed myself in writing. He submitted something I wrote to the Columbia Journalism Review, which was very exciting to me. That really gives you confidence going forward.”

The university’s influence on the arts dates back more than a century. Orpheus McAdoo, whose parents were slaves in North Carolina, graduated from Hampton Institute in 1876 and — after a few years as a teacher — embarked on a long and prosperous singing career. He toured the world and developed his own minstrel show, known as the Virginia Concert Co. and the Virginia Jubilee Singers.

The great African-American composer Robert Nathaniel Dett worked at Hampton from 1913-32, founding the school’s choir and school of music. One of his vocal students at Hampton, Norfolk native Dorothy Maynor, toured the world and became the first African-American to sing at a presidential inauguration — serenading Truman and Eisenhower.

Leslie Garland Bolling, born and raised in Surry County, attended Hampton from 1916-18 and spent time visiting the school’s art museum. After eventually taking his degree from Virginia Union, he became a renowned wood carver and a respected figure in the Harlem Renaissance.

Another product of Hampton Institute, muralist John T. Biggers, rose to prominence in the years after the Harlem Renaissance. He had planned a career as a plumber but was exposed to art by professor Viktor Lowenfeld, a Jewish refugee from Austria who would have a profound influence on African-American artists at several colleges. Biggers followed Lowenfeld to Penn State where he earned a degree in art education. His acclaimed murals focused on telling stories of racial injustice. He also worked as an educator, helping to found the art department at Texas Southern University.

Clarissa Sligh, who at age 15 was the lead plaintiff in a school desegregation case in Arlington County, earned a bachelor’s degree in mathematics from Hampton in 1961. She went on to a successful career in photography and book illustration; her work has been exhibited at the Museum of Modern Art in New York.

Perhaps the most famous contemporary performer to graduate from Hampton is comedian and actress Wanda Sykes. She took a degree in marketing in 1986 but never thought about performing on stage until friends at her first job in Washington, D.C., convinced her to try her hand at open-mic comedy. She has spent the past quarter-century writing and performing on stage, on TV and in the movies.

More recent Hampton graduates to forge careers in the arts include actor Brandon Fobbs, who had a recurring role on the cable TV drama “The Wire,” and musicians and MCs such as DJ Tay James, DJ Babey Drew and MC Ride.

The legendary comedian Bill Cosby did not attend Hampton but had a long relationship with the school, sitting on its Board of Trustees until his name was removed in 2016 amid rampant accusations of sexual misconduct. Cosby was a graduation speaker, served as emcee at a fundraising gala for HU’s Proton Therapy Institute, and was a philanthropist for the school and occasionally for prospective students.

Similarly, poet and author Maya Angelou was a frequent visitor and supporter. In 1998, appearing at Ogden Hall as part of a commemoration of Harvey’s 20th anniversary, she quipped that if she had not been invited to be a part of Harvey’s celebration she would have stood outside with a picket sign to protest.

Actors such as Lou Gossett and Danny Glover, and writers such as Alice Walker and Toni Morrison have spoken and performed on the campus during Harvey’s tenure.

Some of the biggest stars to perform on the Hampton campus did so as part of the early Hampton Jazz Festivals. That event, which celebrated its 50th anniversary last year, originally was held at Armstrong Stadium on Hampton’s campus, before moving to the Hampton Coliseum in 1970.

The inaugural jazz festival in 1968, which tied the music to the school’s arts curriculum, received national coverage and drew a constellation of musical performers that included Count Basie, Dizzy Gillespie, Thelonious Monk, Nina Simone, Dionne Warwick and Muddy Waters. The 1969 event at Armstrong included Ray Charlies, Miles Davis, Duke Ellington, Dave Brubeck, Herbie Hancock and Sly and the Family Stone.

For many of the artists who graduated from Hampton, even those who did not actively perform while they were at the school, the campus still holds a strong magnetic draw. For Biff Henderson, that is due to his family’s long relationship with the school, to all of the history he absorbed there, and to the fond memories of his time at Hampton.

“It’s a really amazing place to be and to learn,” Henderson says. “I remember a professor saying one time, ‘All this stuff is documented that I’m telling you — the grounds that you’re walking on.’ But if you went out and told somebody they might not believe you. It’s so rich in history. The people who passed through, and how they got there, from General Armstrong up to now.

“There were only 2,000 students when I was there. It was a family oriented, very good school. The things I picked up there, about history and about art and everything else — that’s a great place to learn it.”

About this series

The Daily Press takes a look at Hampton University, which celebrates its 150th birthday on April 1.

Sunday: The university’s founding as a teaching and trade school, and growth to today.

Monday: Hampton’s earliest mission was to educate teachers, which continued over the years.

Tuesday: A look at Hampton’s historic buildings and campus.

Wednesday: Famous artists, musicians and other pop-culture figures grew their craft during their time as HU students.

Thursday: Hampton has produced athletes and had firsts for historically black institutions.

Friday: In his 40 years as president, William R. Harvey has had an impact greater than inside campus walls.

Saturday: Students protested for civil rights and other issues over the years.

Sunday: What can be expected over the next 150 years at Hampton?

To hear more stories behind the story of Hampton’s growth, visit dailypress.com/hamptonuniversity150 throughout the week.

Hampton University’s 150/40 celebration

Several events are planned to honor the 150th anniversary of Hampton University and the 40th anniversary of Dr. William R. Harvey’s presidency.

April 1: Founding Day Celebration, 11 a.m., Ogden Hall.

April 14: First lady’s luncheon (by invitation), 1:30 p.m., Student Center.

April 28: Anniversaries gala to honor HU’s 150th anniversary and Harvey’s 40th, 6-11 p.m., Hampton Roads Convention Center.

July 1: William R. Harvey Day chapel service, 11 a.m., Memorial Chapel.

Aug. 8-11: Association of African-American Museums annual conference, campuswide.

Holtzclaw can be reached by phone at 757-928-6479 or on Twitter @mikeholtzclaw.

RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

‘Jesus Christ Superstar: Live in Concert’ Is a New Kind of Musical Telecast

‘Jesus Christ Superstar: Live in Concert’ Is a New Kind of Musical Telecast

Photo Source: James Dimmock/NBC

Easter Sunday’s live telecast of “Jesus Christ Superstar: Live in Concert” on NBC won’t make major changes to the beloved rock opera from lyricist Tim Rice and composer Andrew Lloyd Webber, but it promises to be a “Superstar” like you’ve never seen before. 

“It’s 2018 and this is ‘Jesus Christ Superstar,’ and it’s 2018 and this is Jesus. I think we’re going closer to the truth, frankly, and to be able to do that through television is incredibly exciting to me,” director David Leveaux declared. Joining the five-time Tony nominee on his Feb. 26 Paley Center for Media panel in Midtown Manhattan were executive producer and live television director Alex Rudzinski, executive producer Neil Meron, Chairman of NBC Entertainment Robert Greenblatt, and stars John Legend, Sara Bareilles, Alice Cooper, and Brandon Victor Dixon, who play Jesus Christ, Mary Magdalene, King Herod, and Judas Iscariot, respectively. “In this case,” Leveaux continued, “I genuinely feel engaged in an incredibly radical, courageous, brave, and—I’m gonna use the word—daringly loving operation.” 

“Love” was the word of the hour at the Monday evening talkback, especially from the actors onstage. Dixon, best known for playing the Judas-like schemer Aaron Burr in “Hamilton” on Broadway, waxes on how both his Judas and Burr were broken by their love, and how that leads them from one act to the next. “Coursing underneath every emotion is love,” he said. “I hate because my love is violated or somebody I love is violated. I fear because I fear my love will be violated. Judas is in that place. He loves Jesus desperately.” 

Legend echoed the sentiment, saying that Leveaux’s favorite note for them through rehearsals was that “it really goes back to love, every time, and to keep that in mind when we’re making choices as to how we’re going to portray the character.” Bareilles, too, said her Mary is “deeply motivated by the purest love” for Jesus.  

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While they were over a month out from their anticipated “Live in Concert” production of the classic musical at Brooklyn’s Marcy Armory, happening April 1, the creative team and cast were abuzz with excitement to reveal some of their show’s secrets. The most apparent was the surprise casting of Legend, an African-American artist, to play Jesus. (Greenblatt recalled receiving a number of notes from black employees at NBC extending their thanks for the decision.) But the less obvious reveal is that their “Superstar,” true to its original unorthodoxy, is being staged as a live rock concert—audience of 1,500 and all. 

“We long left behind the notion of pointing cameras at a stage set. Now it has to involve something that’s actually alive and living in front of the camera,” Leveaux said of network TV’s live musical “evolution” since “The Sound of Music” in 2013. Citing that the front rows of the Williamsburg audience will be “standing two feet away from the lip of the stage,” he said that the evening is bound to be “the most fabulously, romantically organized [piece] of reckless television,” which is the point.

But don’t worry, it won’t just be the in-person audience that gets the live experience. Rudzinski said that the concert-style production allows for “an incredibly immersive energy to be had on-camera.” He is embedding cameras with the audience on the armory’s floor to capture their perspective and get “into the rawness of the concept and the contemporariness of the event.”

“What’s wonderful about the televising and staging of these specials is that when you get them right, there’s an immersiveness to the presentation that’s almost subliminal,” he continued. “It’s subtle, and the audience really appreciates that they’re in the heart of the action.”

Want to rock out on stage? Check out Backstage’s theater audition listings!

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RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

What to Do About the Police?

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The End of Policing offers a compelling digest of the dynamics of crime and law enforcement, and a polemic against the militarization of everything. Eight of its 10 short chapters focus on vulnerable groups whose problems have been deemed fixable by the police. Students, poor people, drug users, sex workers, people with mental illness, people without stable housing, gang members, protesters, and immigrants—they are all the targets not of social services, but of criminal laws and armed personnel. In the chapter on mental illness, Vitale tells the story of Jason Harrison, whose mother called 911 after her son refused to take his medication. “When police arrived, she casually walked outside, followed by her son, who was carrying a screwdriver. When the officer saw him, he began yelling commands to drop it and within seconds opened fire,” Vitale writes.

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Such fatal interactions—many, like Harrison’s, caught on video—have spurred thousands of police departments to invest in crisis-intervention training, jail-based diversion programs, and interdisciplinary response teams. But these reforms, Vitale argues, leave intact the framing of psychiatric crisis as “a public-order problem.” Why was calling 911 the only option available to Harrison’s mother? (Tragically, she even told the dispatcher, “He has bipolar schizophrenia…make sure they’re trained police officers.”) Why must the police perform tasks outside their discipline? And why, Vitale asks repeatedly, are they “the gatekeepers” of health care, housing, and other basic services? How did cops become gun-wielding caseworkers in what the sociologist Forrest Stuart has called a regime of “therapeutic policing”?

Just as no police recruit fantasizes about de-escalating psychiatric crises, most officers would rather work on serious crimes than make traffic stops or low-level marijuana arrests. Yet this is precisely what the prevailing approach of “broken windows,” quality-of-life, or zero-tolerance policing insists they prioritize. For Vitale, the coupling of “broken windows” and the War on Drugs encapsulates the excesses of local law enforcement. City cops working drug crimes now spend much of their workday “looking for easy drug arrests in poor minority neighborhoods.” In New York, for instance, after the city decriminalized some pot-related offenses in the late 1970s,

the NYPD reprioritized marijuana arrests as part of a strategy of asserting strict control over the public lives of young people of color. In conjunction with the widespread use of “stop, question, and frisk” practices, the police were stopping a growing number of young people and in many cases asking them to “empty their pockets.” As a result, marijuana possession arrests jumped from almost nothing to fifty thousand a year, resulting in the incarceration of hundreds of thousands of people.

Protests and litigation have recently forced a reckoning with this strategy, but the damage to community relations may be irreparable. Poor neighborhoods have long been overregulated for minor infractions and underregulated for homicides, a point made dramatically in Jill Leovy’s book Ghettoside, about detective work in South Los Angeles. For Vitale, a defender of the welfare state, the great tragedy of this scenario is that, among America’s underclass, the very face of government “is the police officer, engaged primarily in punitive enforcement actions.”

What is to be done? Each of Vitale’s chapters prescribes a variation on the same theme: “Give the cops fewer things to do, and reallocate the money accordingly.” In my own reporting over the past few years, “the police do too much” has emerged as a collective creed, the only perspective shared by officers, Black Lives Matter activists, and criminologists alike. Nevertheless, many cities, counties, and towns continue to earmark nearly half of their budgets for law enforcement. And while some police commissioners and union heads have lobbied for increases in homeless and mental-health services, I have yet to encounter a law-enforcement official willing to make cuts in favor of expanding the social safety net. Nationwide, we now spend $100 billion every year on the police. It’s the local version of what we’ve seen at the federal level since the mid–20th century: an increase in national-security and defense spending, at the expense of all other needs.

We pay for this unbridled expansion with much more than just our tax dollars. The social costs of the police state are the subject of Unwarranted: Policing Without Permission, a dense but vital book by Barry Friedman, a professor and director of the Policing Project at the New York University School of Law. Friedman, like Vitale, is concerned with police overreach, but he places the blame less on cops than on the rest of us. He argues that we, as a society, have failed to impose basic ex ante standards on local, state, and federal law enforcement. Our calls for police reform, which fixate on civilian-oversight boards, body cameras, and judicial intervention, are inadequate, Friedman says. What we really need are “not reviews but rules: rules that are written before officials act, rules that are public, rules that are written with public participation.”

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As it stands, the three branches of government are unwilling to regulate the police. Mayors and governors defer to police chiefs and union presidents; judges make cheesecloth of the Fourth and 14th Amendments; and legislators vote again and again to increase law-enforcement budgets. This arrangement can be traced back to the early days of modern policing, when an unsavory intimacy developed between police departments and the politicians meant to oversee them. “The police became entwined in the sort of municipal graft and corruption that was all too common at the turn of the twentieth century,” Friedman explains. “Cops collected the money that fed the political machine. And so, in order to address that problem, we decided that policing should be separated from politics, and professionalized.” But what was meant to be an insulating moat has since morphed into an uncrossable strait, resulting in a lack of oversight, an increasingly endangered search-warrant requirement, and high-tech mass surveillance.

Perhaps the most chilling section of Friedman’s book details the erosion of the constitutional prohibition against “unreasonable searches and seizures.” It is commonly understood that police officers must prove to a judge that a search is necessary before receiving a warrant to conduct one. Yet the exceptions to this rule “now include immigration checkpoints, administrative searches of regulated businesses, ‘consent’ searches, searches of welfare recipients, students, parolees, and government employees, inventory searches, searches of moveable containers, automobile searches, boat searches, fire investigation searches—the list goes on.”

For the police these days, the Fourth Amendment has effectively been revised: go on a fishing expedition first and deal with the pushback later. Similarly, while the notion of a search was once discrete and concrete—the physical examination of a specific locale or person—it is now subsumed under a digital apparatus of data interception, drone-mounted cameras, license-plate readers, and facial-recognition software. “The entire weight of our liberties,” Friedman writes, depends on after-the-fact judicial assessments “of whether what the police did was ‘unreasonable.’”

What we need instead, Friedman insists, is to compel our elected representatives on community boards, city councils, and in state and federal capitols to set the boundaries of policing before the fact. Deference to law and order or strategic concerns need not translate into wholesale authorization. “When police employ invasive technologies, such as drones and heat sensors, that were beyond the wildest imagination of anyone, including the legislators, at the time the general authority was conveyed,” Friedman argues, “it seems entirely plausible to require the government to go back to the legislature and get specific permission.”

Here’s what an established process might have prevented: Between 2009 and 2014, the military gave $18 billion in cash and surplus equipment, including aircraft, grenade launchers, and bayonets, to local police departments and even schools. The 2016 documentary Do Not Resist portrays the full absurdity of these freebies. In one scene, in a neighborhood in Richland County, South Carolina, helmeted men in black riot gear spill out of a vehicle, guns and batons at the ready. They run toward a single-story home, smashing the front windows, tackling a teenager in the yard, and pulling an older man from his car. Once inside the house, they handcuff their suspect, an African-American college student, and allow two women, one clutching an infant to her chest, to take a seat outside. The officers and their sniffing K-9s scour the premises, but find nothing. “There’s gotta be some drugs here. Where the fuck is the weed?” an officer mumbles in the driveway. His colleague finally comes upon something to justify this expedition: “loose bud” in a knapsack and $876 in landscaping proceeds from the accused’s pocket.

As Friedman notes, local police now deploy their SWAT teams somewhere between 50,000 and 80,000 times a year—compared to just 3,000 in the early 1980s. The raid in Richland County, while a disturbing instance of police overreach, is hardly exceptional. What is unusual is the rather mundane bureaucratic scene that precedes it in Do Not Resist. In Concord, New Hampshire (population 42,900), the City Council meets to consider a $250,000 grant from the Department of Homeland Security. The money would be used to buy a Lenco BearCat—an armored vehicle—at the request of the local police. Residents of the town line up to voice their opinions, which are uniformly opposed. A retired Marine colonel tells his representatives, “You don’t need this. You really don’t…. We’re building an army over here, and I can’t believe that people aren’t seeing it.” A woman begs the City Council to “put things in perspective…. Your chances from dying from a terrorist attack are one in 20 million, so we need to put the brakes on the fear and we need to act rationally.” A protester in the back holds a sign that reads “More Mayberry Less Fallujah.” The council members listen and deliberate, then vote, 11 to four, to take the money.

The town’s purchase of the BearCat is a move neither Friedman nor Vitale would endorse. But Friedman, a process guy, would applaud the dialogue and urge the residents of Concord to vote these 11 council members out of their seats. He offers the example of a 2015 New Jersey bill, sponsored by a Democrat and signed into law by then-Governor Chris Christie, a Republican, that requires any police department seeking military hardware to first get the approval of local government officials. Since the law went into effect, municipalities across the state have held hearings and taken divergent paths. Some have rejected the militarization of their sheriffs’ offices; others, in flood-prone waterfront communities, have said yes to amphibious tanks.

“It is a sign of a vibrant democracy that—after debate—jurisdictions reach different conclusions,” Friedman asserts. Later in the book, he expands on this point: “In many of the smallest communities in America, we manage to have school boards and zoning boards and other government bodies. If it is possible for this level of civic engagement around libraries, it must be equally possible for law enforcement.”

Vitale doesn’t expressly tackle the question of political process. He’s confident, though, that if we all knew the extent to which policing has infiltrated our lives, we would fight back. Citing Friedman, he writes that “our failure to adequately oversee the actions of police puts our society at peril, especially as new technologies give police the ability to see into ever more aspects of our private lives.”

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There is one surveillance technology that has prompted real public debate: police body cameras. Perhaps because their rollout has been so hasty, costly, and widespread, these cameras have become the focus of municipal regulation, public hearings, and academic study. But as Friedman and Vitale contend, the entire universe of policing deserves equal scrutiny. Communities across the United States must continue to push their legislators to establish police-oversight commissions, constrain big-data surveillance, disclose the predictive algorithms used by law enforcement, and scrutinize sheriffs’ pleas for more money. Social movements like Black Lives Matter and the remarkable student uprising against guns must bind their demands to democratic processes—and forge the occasional strategic alliance with progressive police chiefs and district attorneys.

Not since the 1970s have there been so many insistent demands for community control over law enforcement, White House static aside. For now, the end of policing—as either Vitale or Friedman imagines it—may depend less on an ideals-driven abolitionism than on the messy exertions of local politics.

Want to Buy Art Without Breaking the Bank? Consider a Drawing

An internationally exhibited artist who buys drawings by modernist masters such as Cézanne, Matisse and Picasso, Mr. Breuer-Weil is hardly an entry-level collector. But the week of the Salon du Dessin is the one time of year anyone interested in buying a drawing is seriously spoiled for choice.

On March 21, for example, the French auction house Artcurial held a 195-lot sale of old master and 19th-century art. About a quarter of the works were drawings estimated at less than 5,000 euros, or about $6,200.

Among these was a red and white chalk study from about 1600 by the Dutch Mannerist artist Abraham Bloemaert of a flying putto firing a bow. The double-sided drawing — a study of a basket of flowers is on the reverse — was bought for €3,900, with fees, by Daniel Vanel, a doctor and collector based in Bologna, Italy, who owns about 100 old master drawings.


A red and white chalk study from about 1600 by the Dutch artist Abraham Bloemaert. Credit Artcurial

“No one wants the average things,” Mr. Vanel said as he watched the auction. “And the best things are getting more and more expensive.”

As if to prove the point, three lots after the Bloemaert, a pen-and-brown-ink drawing of the crucifixion by the 17th-century Dutch artist Samuel van Hoogstraten was bought in the salesroom by the international dealer Bob Haboldt for €319,000. The drawing, traditionally attributed to Rembrandt (in whose studio van Hoogstraten trained), had been estimated at €40,000 to €60,000.

This was the quality of drawing that exhibitors hung in their booths at the Salon du Dessin, which Mr. Vanel described as a “museum where you can buy, if you’re rich.”

The long-established centerpiece of the French capital’s “Drawing Week,” the Salon du Dessin is held in the grandiose Palais Brongniart, a former stock exchange. This year, the fair featured 39 dealers and attracted 14,500 visitors over six days, an attendance that was 11.5 percent up on the previous year, according to the organizers.

“This is the best fair in the world for drawings,” said Artur Ramon Navarro, director of Artur Ramon Art, a dealership in Barcelona, Spain, who was exhibiting at his ninth salon. “But the market is very selective. Collectors are looking for top-quality drawings that have solid attributions, are in good condition and are fresh to the market.”

Mr. Ramon Navarro ticked those boxes with the rediscovered Claude-Joseph Vernet pen-and-ink drawing “On the Terrace of the Villa Mondragone,” which was sold for €150,000 to a French collector at the opening of the fair. Mr. Ramon Navarro had acquired the atmospheric 18th-century drawing, showing an Italian country house, from a private collection; scholars have accepted it as a previously unrecorded work by Vernet, who lived in Rome.

Another discovery at the salon was the haunting red chalk head of John the Baptist, which the Paris dealer Galerie de Bayser had identified as a study for the circa 1520 painting “Salome” by Cesare da Sesto, a follower of Leonardo da Vinci. An American collector bought it at the start of the fair for a price between €400,000 and €500,000, according to the gallery’s director, Louis de Bayser.


“On the Terrace of the Villa Mondragone,” an 18th-century drawing by Claude-Joseph Vernet. Credit via Artur Ramon

But were there enough specialist buyers during the week of the fair to support the sheer quantity of material? At the same time as the Salon du Dessin, contemporary artists were showcased by 72 dealers at the 12th edition of the Drawing Now Art Fair. There were also auctions at Sotheby’s and Christie’s and at the Hôtel Drouot salesroom complex, as well as various dealer shows.

At the auctions, thanks to competition between specialist dealers and collectors, the more important works fetched reassuringly high prices, and overall selling rates were healthy enough. On March 22, Sotheby’s held its second annual works on paper auction during the salon, netting €5.8 million from 141 lots, with 74 percent of the lots successful. Works by modern masters predictably dominated, with a top price of €669,000 given for a large 1950s Chagall watercolor of newlyweds and a bouquet of flowers in a moonlit window. Smaller drawings by major names such as Paul Delvaux and Paul Signac were selling for less than €10,000.

“A lot of the market is driven by financial concerns. People want big iconic works,” said Mr. Breuer-Weil, the British artist and collector. “If you buy a drawing, you can get a work by the artist for a 200th of the price of a painting.”

Across town at the Drawing Now fair, there was also value to be had from contemporary artists who focused solely on draftsmanship.

The Birmingham, Ala., dealer Maus Contemporary represents the estate of the African-American artist Eugene J. Martin, whose works have been acquired by a number of regional museums in the United States. In the 1960s and ’70s, Martin, who was influenced by European modernism, was too poor to buy painting materials, so he instead made small-scale abstracts on paper. A striking Constructivist figure made in 1972 during the protests over the Vietnam War was bought by a French collector for €4,000.

“The French have a romantic attachment with the nobility of paper,” Guido H. Maus, the gallery’s director, said, referring to France’s long tradition of collecting drawings and prints, reflected in the number of specialist galleries that are a distinctive feature of Paris.

A drawing by Bloemaert or Martin might not impress a hedge fund manager who comes around for dinner. But as the prices for paintings by blue-chip names soar far beyond the reach of the average collector, “Drawing Week” is a welcome reminder that there are approachable ways to live with original art.

Continue reading the main story RankTribe™ Black Business Directory News – Arts & Entertainment

Ronny Jackson, North Korea, ‘Roseanne’: Your Thursday Briefing

Dr. Jackson, a career Naval officer, appeared in the spotlight this year when he announced the results of Mr. Trump’s first physical while in office. If confirmed, Dr. Jackson would inherit the federal government’s second-largest department, which has been burdened by aging infrastructure, an inefficient health care system and a 360,000-person work force.

Here’s an updated look at the major departures from the Trump administration.

In other cabinet news, Ben Carson, the secretary of housing and urban development, is trying to roll back Obama-era attempts to enforce fair housing laws.

Korean leaders to meet next month

• North Korea’s leader, Kim Jong-un, and President Moon Jae-in of South Korea will meet for the first time on April 27, for talks meant to pave the way for discussions with President Trump.

By attending the discussions on the South Korean side of the border town Panmunjom, Mr. Kim would become the first North Korean leader to visit the South since the Korean War.

His trip to China this week was a reminder of how he uses his nuclear arsenal to set his diplomatic agenda.

A rainmaker in hot water

• Over 15 years, four women in a suburb of Portland, Ore., sought police protection against the same man, one of Morgan Stanley’s top financial advisers, court filings show.

The man, Douglas Greenberg, is in the top 2 percent of brokers at Morgan Stanley by revenue produced. For years, the firm’s executives knew about accusations of violence against him, according to seven former employees, but apparently took no action.

This week, after The Times contacted Morgan Stanley with questions about Mr. Greenberg, the bank put him on “administrative leave pending further review of this situation.”

Deadly blaze in Venezuela

At least 68 people died after a fire broke out during a riot at a jail in the northern city of Valencia, the country’s attorney general said late Wednesday.


Relatives of inmates at the prison in Valencia, Venezuela. Credit Carlos Garcia Rawlins/Reuters
The Daily

Listen to ‘The Daily’: The Prospect of Pardons

A lawyer for President Trump broached the idea of pardoning Michael T. Flynn and Paul Manafort as the special counsel built cases against both men.


A march in Paris on Wednesday in memory of Mireille Knoll, an 85-year-old Holocaust survivor who was killed in her apartment last week.
Credit Yoan Valat/EPA, via Shutterstock


President Trump wants to remake global trade in a matter of months. Here’s how.

Social media exploits our data and can make us unhappy. It spreads misinformation and undermines democracy. Can it be saved? Our columnist wonders.

The revival of “Roseanne” this week got off to an enormously strong start for ABC, drawing more than 18 million viewers. (An enthusiast of TV ratings at the White House was also impressed.)


The ratings for “Roseanne,” starring John Goodman and Roseanne Barr, were the best for any comedy on the broadcast networks since the 2014 season premiere of “The Big Bang Theory.” Credit Adam Rose/ABC

U.S. stocks were down on Wednesday. Here’s a snapshot of global markets today.

Smarter Living

Tips, both new and old, for a more fulfilling life.

Being a wedding guest can get expensive. Here’s how to cut costs.

Have a tiny apartment? These are the best cleaning tools for small spaces.

Recipe of the day: If you’re looking for big flavor, a chicken tagine is just what you need.

What We’re Reading

Our journalists recommend these great pieces:

“How would you spend your time if your days were interminable but numbered? In this first-person account, Anthony Ray Hinton, who was sentenced to death in Alabama for two murders he didn’t commit, describes the book club he created for inmates on death row, and seeing ‘men be transported in their minds for a small chunk of time.’ ” [Longreads]

Anne-Sophie Bolon, London-based editor

“The Chicago Tribune is preparing to move out of the landmark Tribune Tower, which has nearly 150 stones from famous sites embedded in its facade. This visual catalog will take you on a grand tour around the United States, across oceans and through history.” [Chicago Architecture]

Gina Lamb, senior staff editor, Special Sections


Our Austin bombings coverage, explained

Last week, some readers criticized The Times’s coverage of the suspect in the attacks in Texas, saying we treated him too lightly or humanized him too much.

Our journalists answered some of the most common questions, including how we define terrorism.

Bunny best sellers

Easter’s nearly here, and the competition between rabbits is hopping on our children’s picture book best-seller list. (Find all of the top titles here.)

Play ball!

In another sign of spring, the baseball season starts today. Our columnist looks at how the game is evolving.

Here are our previews for the American and National Leagues.

Best of late-night TV

Dana Carvey once famously impersonated former President George Bush. He was back on Wednesday with a new impression, of John Bolton.

Quotation of the day

“To accept to die so the innocent can live, that is the essence of what it means to be a soldier. Others, even many who are brave, would have hesitated.”

President Emmanuel Macron of France, at a memorial for Col. Arnaud Beltrame, who was killed after he took the place of a hostage during a terrorist attack at a supermarket.

The Times, in other words

Here’s an image of today’s front page, and links to our Opinion content and crossword puzzles.

Back Story

On this day in 1961, the ratification of the 23rd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was completed, giving residents of Washington, D.C., the right to vote for president and vice president for the first time in more than 160 years.

“The United States finally gave its capital the vote today,” The Times noted on its front page.


Residents of Washington, D.C., won the right to vote for president in 1961. Credit Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images

The amendment granted representation to the District of Columbia in the Electoral College, where states are given electors based on population. Although the District’s population (estimated around 700,000 in 2017) is larger than that of some states, it is given no more electors than the least populous state, which is currently Wyoming.

At the time, the push to give the vote to the district, with its large African-American population, became caught up in the civil rights movement. The amendment was opposed by almost every state in the South.

Democrats have since been able to count on the district’s three electoral votes, which have been cast for every one of the party’s presidential candidates, starting with Lyndon Johnson in 1964.

Although the district’s residents have a say at the White House, they lack a full voice in Congress, where their representative does not have full voting rights.


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