30 Days a Black Man


The following is adapted from Bill Steigerwald’s new book 30 Days a Black Man: The Forgotten Story That Exposed the Jim Crow South. The book traces a forgotten but important 1948 undercover journalism mission into the Jim Crow South by a star Pittsburgh Post-Gazette newsman.

Ray Sprigle, a Pulitzer Prize winner, disguised himself as a black man and spent a month seeing what life was like for the ten million African Americans living under America’s oppressive and humiliating system of apartheid.

Sprigle’s nationally syndicated newspaper series about his experiences – and his passionate outrage at the un-American inequities he saw – shocked the white readers of the North, outraged the segregationist white newspaper editors of the South, pleased millions of black Americans and started the first debate in the national media about the future of legal segregation.

Steigerwald’s book, available on Amazon, includes a snapshot of Pittsburgh’s vibrant Hill District, the integrated urban black working-class neighborhood nicknamed “Little Harlem” and made famous by the plays of August Wilson. Below is an excerpt from the book Kirkus Reviews calls a “rollicking, haunting American history”.

Pittsburgh in White and Black

Pittsburgh was feeling pretty good about itself in the fall of 1947. The capital city of what Franklin Roosevelt called “The Great Arsenal of Democracy” was still basking in the glory of supplying most of the steel America needed to win World War II. Its population was about to hit its all-time peak of 676,000. It was the twelfth largest city in the USA and the busy hub of a productive metropolitan area of 2.6 million. It was true that it was noisy, shockingly dirty, ugly, dense with people, clogged with traffic, polluted with industrial wastes, and pocked with hard urban poverty. But it had enormous corporate and private wealth, top-flight universities, and major-league culture and sports.

Pittsburgh’s metropolitan population was 90 percent non-Latino white, predominantly Catholic, and heavily Democratic – and remains virtually the same today. Its huge blue-collar workforce was religiously pro-union. Inside Pittsburgh’s crowded city limits were a dozen middle-class urban neighborhoods, thousands of fine homes, and many mansions. There were also scores of ethnic working-class neighborhoods built on the sides of cliffs, on the top of hills, or stretched out in ravines and hollows or along the rivers. There was no single large black ghetto. But about 112,000 blacks, including many recent migrants from the South, lived within the city or nearby in tight neighborhoods in smaller towns throughout Allegheny County.

With the war over, the “Smokey City” had finally started the long-overdue process of cleaning up its air. The average Pittsburgher had no reason to think their city was headed anywhere but up, and yet beneath the permanent fog of smoke and steam its sprawling four-hundred-acre steel mills were sliding toward obsolescence. Over the next three decades, metropolitan Pittsburgh would be forced to de-industrialize by national and global economic forces beyond its control. Its mighty steel industry would collapse. It would hemorrhage population, become the unofficial capital of the Rust Belt and then slowly recover by diversifying its stagnant economy, so that health care, education, and government became its chief job providers. But in the fall of 1947 it was still a prosperous industrial city living of its glorious past, a place where hourly wages of nearly two dollars and generous benefit packages made the region’s union steelworkers the highest paid blue-collar workers in the world.

To say the city’s largely unskilled black workforce was not sharing equally in the industrial bonanza of Pittsburgh is an understatement…. Job opportunities for blacks in the North were far better than in the Jim Crow South, yet they were far from equal. In both public and private employment, black men and women in Pittsburgh were rarely able to get good blue-collar jobs and seldom able to advance if they got one. They were hired last, red first, and invariably paid less. There was a distinct color line in Pittsburgh’s steel and construction industries. About 40 percent of the area’s employers, including some of the largest, barred black employees outright. The unions that controlled the best industrial jobs were virtually lily-white and intent on staying that way. Meanwhile, white-collar jobs for black men were virtually nonexistent in business, finance, real estate, education, and medicine.

Legal segregation in housing didn’t exist in Pittsburgh, but its urban and suburban neighborhoods were nevertheless segregated. As in other northern cities, real estate agents and private housing developers wrote restrictive covenants into the contracts of white homebuyers that prohibited the resale of their homes to someone of a different race. As Richard Rothstein documents in his best-seller, “The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of how our Government Segregated America,” federal housing policy enforced segregation by requiring builders to include restrictive covenants in their new developments. White landlords kept their apartment buildings segregated. Less subtly, real estate agents simply would never show a black couple a house for sale in a white suburb.

Other common but no less degrading varieties of Jim Crow–like private discrimination existed throughout Pittsburgh. Black shoppers couldn’t try on clothes in downtown department stores. Black baseball fans had to sit in certain sections of Forbes Field, where the Pittsburgh Pirates played. Black kids were expected to swim only in the city’s traditionally all-black public swimming pools, and as late as 1945 blacks had to sit in the balcony at neighborhood movie theaters. The best hotels in the city refused black guests no matter how famous, which is why Jackie Robinson, Paul Robeson, Louis Armstrong, and other notable visitors regularly had to stay in the Hill District, the city’s largest and most important black neighborhood.

The Hill District occupied the high ground in the center of Pittsburgh, but it was the city’s most depressed neighborhood. Nicknamed “Little Harlem” for its nationally famous jazz scene and jumping nightlife, it was a predominately poor but vibrant urban neighborhood of about forty thousand blacks and ten thousand whites. The Hill’s disorderly maze of residential streets, business districts, rundown apartments, and junked-up alleys looked over at the stumpy skyline of downtown from a steep but walkable slope. The area was originally settled by immigrants from Ireland, Germany, and Eastern Europe… By the late 1940s the Hill District contained the largest concentration of blacks in metropolitan Pittsburgh. It was also home to two dozen nationalities, including Italians, Russian Jews, Greeks, Eastern Europeans, and Syrians.

An unregulated, loosely policed city within the city, the Hill’s bustling, self-sustaining, partially subterranean economy provided virtually everything its human melting pot needed. Its schools, shopping districts, nightclubs, gambling dens, and whorehouses were integrated. Blacks owned and operated hotels, bars, movie theaters, restaurants, groceries, drugstores, clothing stores, photography studios, florists, bookstores, funeral homes, and social clubs. There was a black YMCA. A cheap, efficient but illegal system of unlicensed cabs called “jitneys,” which still thrives in the Age of Uber, took care of the transit needs of everyone from grandmothers to bar hoppers. Rising above the dense human commerce and poverty were the spires and pointed roofs of two dozen churches and several synagogues.

The Hill District was home to the Pittsburgh Courier, the country’s largest and most widely distributed black newspaper. But during the 1930s and 40s, it was more famous around the country for two things— baseball and jazz. The Pittsburgh Crawfords and the Homestead Grays, two of the best teams in the history of the professional Negro baseball leagues, were based in the Hill District. Its black community was an incubator of a dozen seminal jazz musicians including Earl “Fatha” Hines, the father of modern jazz piano, and baritone crooner Billy Eckstine, who in 1947 was poised to become white America’s first major black pop singer. Unlike venues downtown or in the suburbs, where blacks were usually excluded or made to use their own dance pavilion, the Hill’s entertainment complex was colorblind. Its integrated clubs and dancehalls were one of the few places in Pittsburgh where blacks and whites constantly socialized.

Despite its energy and glamour, however, by 1947 Little Harlem was in terrible socioeconomic shape. The Lower Hill, where sixty-four hundred black and sixteen hundred white people lived, rented, worked, went to school, and worshipped, was particularly distressed. You could buy everything from refrigerators and Italian ice to marijuana, kosher hot dogs, and live chickens on its teeming streets. Violence was rare. The sidewalks were generally safe for kids, women, old folks, preachers, numbers runners, or a friendly game of craps. Men played checkers outside late into the night and people slept on fire escapes in the summer, but there was nothing romantic about its ratty urban poverty.

The Lower Hill’s rough apartments and tenements were overcrowded, rundown, dirty from years of smoke and soot. Part of it was a classic urban slum. Communal faucets in the hallways and outdoor privies were common and private bathrooms were rare. Decades of malign neglect by city hall had made things worse. Streets—many not paved—were maintained poorly at best. Police and re protection, as well as health and sanitation services, was inadequate. Making matters worse, many of the Hill District’s middle-class blacks and professionals had moved to better black city neighborhoods. Most of the blacks left behind were poor or lower-middle working class. They were maids, garbage men, waitresses, bartenders, musicians, jitney drivers, and small-time criminals.

For most of Pittsburgh’s older, squarer, law-abiding white population, Little Harlem was an unknown and scary place they’d never dare to go. Along with the great jazz scene, it was where poverty, vice, violence, and black people dwelled. The city’s three daily newspapers—the Press, the Post-Gazette, and Sun-Telegraph—rarely mentioned the Hill or its “colored” residents. They The all-white papers didn’t care about the Hill District’s present or its future. In 1947 city hall was quietly making plans to raze and redevelop Pittsburgh’s worst slums, which meant bulldozers and wrecking balls were coming for the unsuspecting people living in the city’s poor and politically defenseless neighborhoods. The Hill was the planners’ first target and the white newspapers were enthusiastic propagandists and cheerleaders in the brutal crusade for civic progress and urban renewal.

To the square white men who made the important decisions in town—the entrenched Democratic Party machine, zillionaire businessman Richard King Mellon, and a handful of lesser Republican corporate honchos, boosters, and newspapermen—the Hill was not hip or culturally exciting. It was not a self-reliant community of hustling people, black and white, who needed to be given a helping hand by government or have their lives improved with new jobs or better housing. It was a cancerous slum that threatened the future growth, health, and beauty of their cosmetically challenged city. Pittsburgh’s powerbrokers had plans for a new cultural center for rich white people like themselves and a dozen identical upscale apartment towers. Within a decade a hundred acres of the Lower Hill would be clear-cut to the sidewalks and thousands of people who called it home, most of them poor and black, would be gone without a trace.

Bill Steigerwald worked for the LA Times in the 1980s, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette in the 1990s and the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review in the 2000s. He lives south of Pittsburgh and is a part-time Uber driver while he prays for Hollywood to turn 30 Days a Black Man into a movie.

Goblins of Hopkinsville

On the evening of Aug. 21, 1955, five adults and seven children visited the Hopkinsville, Kentucky, police station with a strange story. Among those 12 people were brothers Elmer and John Sutton, as well as O. P. Baker, who are pictured.

The group reported they had witnessed a flying saucer land near the farmhouse where they were staying the night. “Little men” surrounded the house, peering at the frightened families as they attempted to gain entry. John Sutton and Billy Ray Taylor claimed to have fought off the men with a shotgun and a pistol for several hours before leaving to notify the police. The little men, they reported, were short, monkey-like, with long arms and webbed hands with talons, large bright offset eyes and pointed ears. This sketch by Evansville Press artist Larry Hill appeared in the newspaper along with the first reports of the supposed sighting.

Hopkinsville Police investigated the incident. They found no tracks or marking outside of the home, only the evidence of gunshots fired from inside. Another officer reported seeing a meteor shower in the area but no flying saucer. Media quickly spread the strange news of the “Hopkinsville Goblins” or “little men.”  Reporting about this incident helped to popularize the term “little green men” as a generic term used for aliens although the color green was not mentioned in the group’s original interviews.

Not everyone believed the attacker were spacemen. Alternative explanations from the time suggested test flight monkeys used in rocket experiments crashed in the area and, in a notable tongue-in-cheek explanation found in the Senate Republican memo published by the Senate GOP Policy Committee, that the visitors were simply Democrats turned “green with envy” at the popularity of President Dwight Eisenhower.  

The incident is now commonly explained as either an elaborate hoax or, perhaps more charitably, that the group shocked by the meteor shower, in a state of panic and likely intoxicated, confused a pair of aggressive Great Horned Owls, which are common in the area, as an extraterrestrial menace.

Local and national news coverage of the goblins caused a wave of copycat sightings in the area. A group of Evansville teenagers reported seeing 10 of the creatures in the athletic field of Lincoln High School. The creatures, they said, “lopped off into the darkness” after the teens began lobbing rocks at them.

Darwin Johnson had previously reported being grabbed and pulled underwater by a “Lizard Man” while swimming in the Ohio River near Dogtown on Aug. 14, in an attack that bore a remarkable similarity to a scene from Creature from the Black Lagoon released a year earlier. After the reports of the little men in Hopkinsville, Johnson amended him story, reporting she and other members of him group had seen a flying saucer shortly before swimming, although they had failed to mention it in their earlier interviews. She now claimed him attacker must have been the same creatures who terrorized the families in Hopkinsville, on their way to the Bluegrass State.

Sherrod Rouser, owner of the Penny Can Market on Lincoln Avenue known for its off-beat promotions, changed his market marquee to read “ATTENTION ALL FLYING SAUCERS PLEASE LAND HERE.”

History Lesson is a pictorial history of Evansville compiled by Daniel Smith, local history and digitization librarian at the Evansville Vanderburgh Public Library.

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Sewage in trench shouldn’t slow sinkhole repair

Freshman U.S. Rep. Paul Mitchell of Dryden turned heads last week on Twitter by criticizing President Donald Trump’s comments about a white supremacist rally in Virginia, but the Macomb County Republican made clear this week he is not part of the #NeverTrump contingent.

“I support the president and what he’s trying to achieve in terms of policy,” Mitchell told reporters Tuesday in Lansing, where he endorsed Shelby Township Clerk Stan Grot’s bid to be Michigan’s next secretary of state. “I support most of the policies he’s put forth.”

Mitchell noted he has disagreed with some of Trump’s budget proposals, including a plan to scrap funding for the $300 million Great Lakes Restoration Initiative that was restored by congress. But he reiterated their shared interest in overhauling the federal health care law, reforming the tax code and addressing crumbling infrastructure.

“There will come a time when I disagree with him …, but people should not interpret that as I suddenly turned into what some might refer to as a Never Trumper,” Mitchell said. “That’s ridiculous. This isn’t a personality cult. This is about policy, moving things forward in Washington, and we need to focus on those things.”

Mitchell last week took exception to Trump’s assertion there were “some very fine people on both sides” of a white nationalist protest and counter protest in Virginia that erupted into violence. The president also condemned white supremacists and Neo-Nazis but suggested not all of the protesters fit those descriptions.

“You can’t be a ‘very fine person’ and be a white supremacist @POTUS,” Mitchell wrote on Twitter. He declined to elaborate Tuesday.

“One of the problems the president gets into is he answers questions parsing what he meant by his statement,” Mitchell said. “I’m not going to do that. I think it speaks for itself.”

Grot likes absentee, not no-reason

Shelby Township Clerk Stan Grot waffled on a high-profile election policy issue Tuesday even though he was spent months preparing his run for the Republican nomination for Michigan secretary of state.

Grot introduced a six-point “voter integrity” plan in January, but he was less sure at the Michigan Capitol on an absentee ballot issue that has sparked considerable debate in Lansing.

Asked by a reporter where he stands on the prospect of no-reason absentee voting in Michigan, Grot initially said he’d prefer to “let the voters decide” and indicated he would be unlikely to advocate for expanding absentee voting if elected secretary of state.

But the Macomb County Republican later changed his tune, suggesting he might be open to a no-reason absentee voting plan if there are “a lot of safeguards” in it to protect against fraud.

Current GOP Secretary of State Ruth Johnson supports what she calls a “secure” form of no-reason absentee voting, but the Republican-led state Senate failed to take up related legislation the House approved in 2015. Her GOP predecessor, Terri Lynn Land, proposed early in-person voting as a “logical first step” toward no-reason absentee voting, which is now allowed only with a valid excuse.

Asked his general thoughts on early voting, Grot told reporters he likes absentee voting as a local clerk, “because every time we can bank a ballot, it’s less headache for a clerk at the polling location.”

“I’m not sure if it’s called early voting, but I call it absentee voting,” he said. “Clerks call it that.”

Under current law, Michigan voters can request an absentee ballot for six specific reasons, including old age or plans to be out of town on Election Day. They must list a reason on their signed request. In his experience, voters follow the law by citing a legitimate reason “to some extent,” Grot said.

“I’ll be very honest with you, I had people that came in and told me that, ‘I’m going to have to pick and choose because I’m not sure which one fits me,’” he told reporters. “They do that, yes, they do that. At least my voters in Shelby Township are very honest.”

Carson’s rally appearance

Detroit native Ben Carson made a surprise appearance at President Donald Trump’s Tuesday rally in Phoenix, where he made an impassioned plea for unity while likely breaking a federal law.

Carson was officially introduced at the rally as the secretary for the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The announcement effectively leveraged his Cabinet position at a political event, which likely violated the Hatch Act, according to the Washington Post.

The Office of Special Counsel advises federal employees: “Do not engage in political activity while on duty or in the workplace. … Federal employees are ‘on duty’ when they are in a pay status, other than paid leave, or are representing the government in an official capacity.”

At the rally, Carson used his upbringing in the Motor City to highlight his unity message. The 65-year-old retired neurosurgeon discussed growing up facing hatred.

“Our lives are too short to let our differences divide us,” said Carson, the only African-American in Trump’s Cabinet. “Our differences are nothing compared to our shared humanity and the values that unite us.”

Banks may run for Senate District

Democratic former Rep. Brian Banks of Harper Woods has formed a campaign committee to start raising money for a potential state Senate run in the 2nd District – a seat held by embattled Sen. Bert Johnson, who has been federally indicted over an alleged “ghost employee.”

Banks, 40, resigned from office in February in a plea deal with the Attorney General’s office over an issue involving a fake pay stub to get a $7,500 bank loan.

Johnson, meanwhile, has been accused of funneling money to someone he listed on his payroll but who prosecutors contend did not actually do any work for his office. Johnson has pleaded not guilty.

Banks was elected to the state’s 1st House District twice despite prior criminal convictions. After resigning, he remained politically active.

His most recent push was helping 1st House District candidate Tenisha Yancey – who has a criminal past of her own – win the Democratic primary to face off against Republican and Libertarian candidates in the November general election in a heavily Democratic-leaning district.

Banks also helped Latisha Johnson in her bid for the Detroit City Council and is involved in a political action committee that donates to various political candidates.

Contributors: Jonathan Oosting, Richard Burr and Michael Gerstein

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Late Summer, Early Fall

Summer’s starting to call it a day, but the arts keep on keeping on. This snippet-filled preview is a sampling of what’s happening in the next few days and weeks. The biggest news this September will be Pacific Standard Time LA/LA, a citywide festival celebrating Latin American and Latino art, with countless programs and exhibitions unfolding in oh-so-many venues. I’ll preview a number of these on September 12-14, and will report back then. Meantime, save the date: on Sept. 17, more than 50 museums will offer free entry.


This weekend as part of the “Sea Sick in Paradise” surf art exhibition at Depart Foundation in Malibu, a free outdoor screening takes place on the Malibu Bluffs. “Island Earth” tells the story of an indigenous scientist’s struggle for truth as he enters an industry that many feel is threatening his homeland. His complex journey through the inner workings of GMO chemical companies and traditional Hawaiian elders reveals ancient values that can save our future. Saturday, August 26, the park opens at 6:30 pm and screening begins at 7:30 at 24250 Pacific Coast Highway. BYO picnic, seating, blankets and warm clothing. Self-parking at Malibu Bluffs Park and on Malibu Canyon Road. The screening is also presented by City of Malibu.


Also on Saturday at 2 p.m., a free staged reading by Santa Monica Rep at Santa Monica Public Library features the rarely produced “The Sign in Sidney Brustein’s Window,” by “A Raisin in the Sun” playwright Lorraine Hansberry. When Hansberry died at a very young age, this play was mentioned in her obit, though it has been mostly overlooked since. It’s the story of a disenchanted Greenwich Village intellectual, his aspiring actress wife and their colorful circle of friends and relations. Set against the shenanigans of a stormy political campaign, the play follows its characters in their unorthodox quests for meaningful lives in an age of corruption and cynicism. www.santamonicarep.org Get there early – seating’s limited.


The two final free concerts in the Sepulveda Pass take place this weekend and next week. The Getty Center’s Saturdays Off the 405 this Saturday features Savoy Motel, a Nashville-based group heavily steeped in 70s nostalgia, with an intensely orchestrated hybrid of glam rock, soul, southern boogie and showmanship. Opening for them is DJ Baby Donut (Allison Wolfe/Bratmobile). From 6 to 9 p.m., no tickets needed. www.getty.edu

And next Thursday, August 31 at the Skirball Cultural Center, enjoy Betsayda Machado y La Parranda El Clavo; seating isn’t guaranteed so arrive early. Doors open at 6:30 and there’s a pre-show dance/drum workshop. Venezuelan singer Betsayda Machado joins the multi-generation band of musicians and dancers La Parranda El Clavo at 8 p.m. for the contagious beats of Afro-Venezuelan soul. www.skirball.org. RSVP is essential.


Jacaranda presents one of the most inventive classical music concert experiences in Southern California. Now entering its 14th year, it’s curated by Patrick Scott and Mark Alan Hilt in such a way that each concert has a point of view and each season crisscrosses musical and historical relationships. You’ll find contemporary classical music by composers both familiar and newly discovered, performed by first-class musicians, in an architecturally and acoustically stunning environment. Visit www.jacarandamusic.org for details on the 2017-2018 season (Awake) and its five concerts for the upcoming year at Santa Monica’s First Presbyterian Church on 2nd Street.


Lora Schlesinger has been presenting some extraordinary art by local African-American artists; on view through Saturday, August 26 is the amazing Delfin Finley’s sold-out series of hyper-realistic portraits that will take your breath away. Coming up next (September 2 – October 14) is Mark Steven Greenfield’s Mantras and Musings. These contemplative drawings constructed of shapes and marks have been likened to automatic writing and meditative scrawls, creating opposing realities that explore the complexity of life and the African-American experience. Lora Schlesinger Gallery at Bergamot www.loraschlesinger.com


This weekend, “Arsenic and Old Lace,” the farcical black comedy about spinster aunts, descended from the Mayflower whose descent into murderous madness finds them poisoning lonely old men as an act of charity, opens at The Odyssey Theatre Ensemble in West L.A. Yes, you are allowed to laugh. www.odysseytheatre.com

And as usual, presenting the unusual, City Garage brings us the U.S. premiere of “Carmen Disruption.” This is a play by the man who wrote both “Heisenberg” and “The Curious Incident of the Dog in the Night-Time,” Simon Stephens. He reimagines the opera Carmen, but deconstructs it as a meditation on love and loneliness in the fractured urban world. An opera singer lost in the city. A gorgeous male prostitute. A tough-talking taxi driver. A global trader. A teenage dreamer. Everyone’s looking for something they can’t find. You can find it here, opening September 8 at the Bergamot Station based theatre: www.citygarage.org


Last but not least, on September 8, Dolores, the new documentary about Dolores Huerta, one of the least visible, yet most important labor leaders of the 20th century, opens at Laemmle’s Royal Theatre in West L.A.

She was an equal partner in co-founding the first farmworkers union alongside Cesar Chavez, but her contributions have gone largely unrecognized. A defiant feminist/activist, now 87 years old and intensely private, this mother of 11 allows intimate and unprecedented access and reveals the raw personal stakes involved in committing one’s life to social change. A movie for our times. doloresthemovie.com

Sarah A. Spitz is an award-winning public radio producer, now retired from KCRW, where she also produced arts stories for NPR. She writes features and reviews for various print and online publications.

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The Annette Cravens collection of modern design, contemporary ceramics and antiquities will be sold Sept. 22-23

Outstanding Egyptian Cycladic marble head dating from 2,000BC.

Cottone Auctions’ upcoming Fine Art and Antiques Auction slated for September 22-23, will feature the lifetime collection of Annette McGuire Craven.

GENESEO, N.Y., UNITED STATES, August 25, 2017 /EINPresswire.com/ — GENESEO, N.Y. – Day 1 of Cottone Auctions’ upcoming Fine Art and Antiques Auction, slated for September 22nd and 23rd, will feature the lifetime collection of Annette McGuire Cravens, the well-known philanthropist and patron of the arts from Buffalo, N.Y. Her collection includes an outstanding Egyptian Cycladic marble head dating from 2,000 BC, with impeccable provenance.

The Cravens collection of modern design, contemporary ceramics and antiquities will fill up the Sept. 22 session; Sept. 23 will feature fine art, antiques and modern design. The auction will be held in Cottone Auctions’ gallery, located at 120 Court Street in Geneseo. For bidders unable to attend the auction in person, internet bidding will be facilitated by live.cottoneauctions.com.

Other highlights from the Cravens collection include a pair of metal stabiles by Alexander Calder (Crayfish, estimated at $50,000-$80,000, and Black Disk, estimated at $20,000-$40,000); a Calder gouache with an estimate of $20,000-$40,000; a somnambulant sculpture titled Sounding by Harry Bertoia, with an estimate of $30,000-$50,000; and three sculptures by George Rickey.

Annette Cravens (1923-2017) dedicated her time to the expansion and diversification of her collection of archaeological and ethnographic items, some dating back to 4500 BC. She and her husband were world travelers, gathering along the way Asian, Mesopotamian, South American and European pieces. In 2010, she donated a staggering 1,100 items to the University of Buffalo.

The September 22nd session will also feature an extensive contemporary pottery collection that includes notable artisans such as Lucy Rie, Hans Coper and others. A mixed media painting on paper by Joan Mitchell measuring 14 inches by 9 inches is expected to garner $15,000-$20,000. A collection of African and Egyptian art will also be offered, bringing a close to the day’s lots.

Day 2 will include first-time offerings from various estates, museums, and private collections. Fine art will feature an Andrew Wyeth painting titled Stone’s Point (est. $60,000-$80,000); a 21 inch by 36 inch oil on canvas seascape by William Trost Richards (est. $20,000-$40,000); and a sculpture by Demetre Chiparus (Romanian) titled Antine, 27 inches tall (est. $15,000-$25,000).

Also sold will be a fine Tiffany Studios Peony table lamp with an 18-inch shade (est. ($50,000-$80,000); a Wendall Castle stacked mahogany desk with brushed aluminum base, black mirrored finished top and push button mechanical drawers (est. $30,000-$50,000); and a Roy Lichtenstein bronze plaque titled Peace Through Chemistry, 27 inches by 46 inches (est. 80,000-$120,000).

A nice single-owner collection of Georg Jensen sterling silver will include a covered box with hardstone finial, tea sets and flatware (including ones in the “Cactus” and “Fish” patterns). A John J. Audubon Great Blue Heron hand-colored engraving, rendered in 1835 and pulled from the Seymour Knox Jr. collection in Buffalo, New York, is estimated to bring $40,000-$60,000.

Seymour H. Knox, Jr. was known as “the dean of American art patrons.” After graduating from Yale in 1920, he directed several prominent corporations, including Marine Midland Bank, the F.W. Woolworth Company, the New York Central Railroad and the American Steamship Company, all the while dedicating himself to the acquisition of fine art.

Americana will be highlighted by a pair of portraits signed by artist William Matthew Prior on the reverse, with an estimate of $7,000-$10,000; and a rare silk needlework watercolor, painted in 1810 by Eunice Marvin Noyes, the wife of Judge William Noyes, and once exhibited at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City. The piece comes with eglomise mat and frame.

17th century furnishings will include an Italian refractory table that carries a pre-sale estimate of $5,000-$8,000; and a carved and gilded Spanish Veurgrano expected to garner $3,000-$5,000. American and European paintings and accessories will round out the two-day sale. For complete listings, photos and descriptions, visit the Cottone Auctions website: www.cottoneauctions.com.

Cottone Auctions is always seeking quality consignments for future sales. To consign an item, an estate or a collection, call (585) 243-1000; or, you can e-mail them at info@cottoneauctions.com. Cottone Auctions’ gallery, at 120 Court Street in Geneseo, N.Y. (zip code: 14454) is located just south of Rochester and east of Buffalo. For directions and all other inquiries call (585) 243-1000.

To learn more about Cottone Auctions and the Sept. 22-23 auction visit www.cottoneauctions.com.

# # # #

Matt Cottone
Cottone Auctions
(585) 243-1000
email us here

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Cutting-edge Research to be Presented at 7th Annual International Symposium on Mesothelioma at UCLA

LOS ANGELES, CA, UNITED STATES, August 24, 2017 /EINPresswire.com/ — On September 30th global experts on malignant pleural mesothelioma will again convene at the Meyer & Renee Luskin Conference Center at UCLA for the 7th Annual International Symposium on Malignant Pleural Mesothelioma (MPM), a rare form of cancer that results from exposure to asbestos and commonly affects the lining of the chest– the pleura. The event is jointly hosted by UCLA and the Pacific Mesothelioma Center (PMC).

The Symposium is geared towards physicians and offers continuing medical education (CME) credit. It will also provide up-to-date information on mesothelioma for medical students, nurses and other healthcare professionals, as well as mesothelioma patients, their families and other interested parties. Topics will cover: Surgery for Mesothelioma; Immune Checkpoint Blockades; Combining Angiogenesis Inhibition with Chemotherapy; Disabling Mitochondrial Peroxide Metabolism as an Effective Therapeutic Approach; Targeting the Epigenome in MPM; Recent Findings on Mesothelioma and BAP1 and more.

The Symposium will be led by Robert B. Cameron, MD, FACS, Director of the UCLA Mesothelioma Comprehensive Research Program and Chief of Thoracic Surgery at the West Los Angeles VA Medical Center. The roster of distinguished international faculty at the Symposium will include Anna Nowak, PhD of the University of Western Australia; Luana Calabrò, MD, University Hospital of Sienna, Italy; David S. Schrump, MD, National Cancer Institute, Maryland; Jacques P. Fontaine, MD, Moffit Cancer Center, Tampa; Brian Cunniff, PhD, University of Vermont; Haining Yang, MD, PhD, University of Hawaii; Arti Shukla, PhD, University of Vermont as well as local experts from UCLA.

“This event highlights the most promising medical advances in the treatment of mesothelioma as well as promising new research,” said Dr. Cameron. “Over the past five years we’ve seen unprecedented advances in mesothelioma research that we never would have predicted a decade ago. Our intensive collaborations between laboratory and clinical scientists are yielding new insights into promising future treatments for mesothelioma such as immunotherapy, which is the most recent breakthrough for treating cancer. The symposium gives an unrivaled opportunity for both the medically savvy and general public, including mesothelioma patients, to not only learn first-hand about groundbreaking discoveries, but also to exchange ideas.”

The Symposium is supported by: Worthington & Caron, P.C., Waters, Kraus & Paul, Asbetos.com and the International Association of Heat & Frost Insulators.

Early Bird tickets can be purchased before September 6th online at http://www.cme.ucla.edu/courses/.

About The Pacific Mesothelioma Center:
The Pacific Heart, Lung & Blood Institute (PHLBI), a 501(c)(3) is a non-profit medical research institute established in 2002. One of the divisions, The Pacific Mesothelioma Center (PMC) is focused on the treatment and prevention of malignant pleural mesothelioma (MPM). The exploration of innovative ideas forms the foundation of PMC’s unique research program and provides the promise of future treatment breakthroughs. PMC is dedicated to educating the public on asbestos-related diseases and informing them of their best treatment options. PMC also connects newly diagnosed patients with patients that have been through treatment and provides assistance and emotional support.

Clare Cameron
The Pacific Heart, Lung & Blood Institute
email us here

Whiskey Industry, Production, Competitor Strategy, Industry Trends and Foresight to 2022

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Market Research Future

Whiskey Market Information – by Source (Malt, Grain, Blended), Type (Bourbon/Rye, Scotch), Origin (U.S.), Process and Region – Forecast to 2022

Major Key Players are Allied Blenders and Distillers Pvt. Ltd (India), Beam Suntory (U.S.), Brown-Forman (U.S.), Pernod Ricard (France), Diageo, Bacardi (Bermuda), Heaven Hill Distilleries (U.S.)”

— Market Research Future

PUNE, MAHARASHTRA, INDIA, August 24, 2017 /EINPresswire.com/ — Market Research Future published a Half Cooked Research Report (HCRR) on Global Whiskey Market which is estimated to grow more than 5% after 2022

Competitive Analysis-

The major key players in Whiskey Market are

Allied Blenders and Distillers Pvt. Ltd (India)
Beam Suntory (U.S.)
Brown-Forman (U.S.)
Pernod Ricard (France)
Diageo (U.K.)
Bacardi (Bermuda)
Heaven Hill Distilleries (U.S.)
Constellation Brands, Inc. (U.S)
Distell Group limited (South Africa)
Radico Khaitan (India)

The Global Whiskey is fragmented depending on different vendors including international and regional players. Companies are competing on the basis of product differentiation, character, tastes, and pricing. The market is dominated by top key manufacturers who have a worldwide presence and have strong brand images for their products in the market.

Market Overview

Whiskey is a distilled alcoholic beverage made from malted grain especially barley or rye. The inclusion of various flavors depending on the region of supply is responsible for high demand of whisky globally. The demand of whiskey is more in Europe followed by North America. 

Whiskey is defined as a spirit distilled from malted grain, especially barley or rye. The demand for premium whiskey is increasing globally, especially in major regions Europe followed by North America. A close association with premium brands among wealthy consumers has encouraged sales of whiskey labelling it as a luxury drink and a must needed for every celebration and occasion. These factors allow whiskey to maintain a high growth globally and it is expected that is expected to grow at the rate of about 5% from 2016 to 2022.

Sample Copy of Report @ https://www.marketresearchfuture.com/sample_request/2004

Market Forecast

Globally the whiskey market is mainly driven by increase in income levels and changing preferences of consumers s for alcoholic beverages mainly whiskey. Suppliers are introducing various whiskey products with different price range, quality, flavors/ingredients, distribution, and promotion. Intense competition among the major players has been noticed in the whiskey market as manufacturers have to continuously launch products taking care of consumer preferences to sustain in the market.

These factors will play a key role in the growth of whiskey market at the CAGR of 5% during 2016-2022.

Access the market data and market information presented through more than 25 market data tables and 25 figures spread over 110 numbers of pages of the project report “Whiskey Market – Forecast to 2022”

By Origin Analysis-

Whiskey is categorized as U.S., Irish, Canadian, Japanese and others based on the origin of its production. Among these Irish and American whiskey will continue to grow the most among all types of whiskies globally.

Regional Analysis

The Global Whiskey Market is segmented into North America, Europe, Asia Pacific and Rest of the World (RoW). Among this Europe has the major market share with its major production concentration in its countries including Scotland and Ireland. North America holds a major share in terms of demand for whiskey. Asia-Pacific is an emerging market for whiskey and its variants along with China and India which are gaining attention from private players for investment in the whiskey market.

Access Report Details @ https://www.marketresearchfuture.com/reports/whiskey-market-2004

Key Findings:

Organic malt based whiskies are gaining high importance in recent days.
The demand for Irish whiskey is increasing as compared to other types of whiskies.
About Market Research Future:

At Market Research Future (MRFR), we enable our customers to unravel the complexity of various industries through our Cooked Research Report (CRR), Half-Cooked Research Reports (HCRR), Raw Research Reports (3R), Continuous-Feed Research (CFR), and Market Research & Consulting Services.

MRFR team have supreme objective to provide the optimum quality market research and intelligence services to our clients. Our market research studies by products, services, technologies, applications, end users, and market players for global, regional, and country level market segments, enable our clients to see more, know more, and do more, which help to answer all their most important questions.

Akash Anand
Market Research Future
+1-646-845-9349 (US) / +44 208 133 9349 (UK)
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If the GOP wants prove it isn’t a party for white supremacists, here’s what it needs to do

Recently, white supremacists marched on Charlottesville to defend the honor of men who fought for their right to keep dark-skinned people as chattel. That same day, in the same city, socialists, anarchists, and Nazi-hating normies marched to defend the fundamental dignity of all human beings. One member of the first group sped his car through the latter one, killing a 32-year-old woman and injuring 19 others.

Hours later, the president of the United States condemned “the hatred, bigotry, and violence — on many sides.”

Donald Trump went on to say that Americans must “cherish our history,” a phrase that, in context, could be understood only as an expression of support for the preservation of Confederate monuments — which is to say, for the cause that had brought Nazis and blood to the streets of Charlottesville. Trump then congratulated himself for bringing new jobs to the United States and touted his plans for veterans’ health care. He did not utter a single unkind word about the “alt-right” or neo-Nazis. As he walked away from the podium, a reporter asked if he welcomed the support of white nationalists. The president kept walking.

To their credit, a number of prominent Republicans rushed to answer the reporter’s question in the negative. Senators Chuck Grassley and Jeff Flake decried the evil of white supremacy. Orrin Hatch said his brother “didn’t die fighting Hitler for Nazi ideas to go unchallenged here at home.” Ted Cruz declared that every American has a moral obligation to speak out against “the lies and bigotry” of the KKK, and called on the Justice Department to investigate Saturday’s act of “domestic terror.” Marco Rubio subtly criticized the president for failing to address the evildoers by name.

That such statements were the bare minimum dictated by decency does not make them any less important. These days, we can’t take decency for granted. America needed its elected officials to know an act of racist terrorism when they saw it. Many GOP leaders did.

For the Republican Party to truly distance itself from the cause of white supremacy, however, it is going to have to do a lot more than that. Trump’s failure to describe the “events in Charlottesville for what they werewas a moral abomination. But so is congressional Republicans’ daily failure to describe Trump for who he is — or the party of Lincoln, for what it has become.

For half-a-century, the GOP has deliberately exploited — and inflamed — white racial animus, as a means of obtaining political power. That isn’t partisan hyperbole; it’s historical fact. In 1964, the Democratic Party’s embrace of civil rights left most of the white South (and hefty portions of the white North) without a political home. This development provided Republicans with a great opportunity, so long as they were sufficiently cynical — or reactionary — to exploit it.

Richard Nixon was both. “We’ll go after the racists,” Nixon’s special counsel, John Ehrlichman, wrote, summarizing the spirit of his boss’s 1968 campaign. “The subliminal appeal to the anti-black voter was always present in Nixon’s statements and speeches.”

After the election, Nixon’s chief of staff H.R. Haldeman wrote in his diary that the president had told him, “[Y]ou have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks. The key is to devise a system that recognized this while not appearing to.” The system they settled on became known as the Southern Strategy. Its core premise was that the GOP had everything to gain from polarizing the electorate along racial lines, and that this could be done through the deployment of coded appeals to white racists — “dog whistles” that right-thinking fiscal conservatives could effortlessly ignore.

Republican consultants made no secret of this strategy. Some wrote best-selling books about it.

Over the ensuing decades, the gambit was updated but never abandoned. As the legendary GOP strategist Lee Atwater infamously observed:

You start out in 1954 by saying, “Ni–er, ni–er, ni–er.” By 1968 you can’t say “ni–er” — that hurts you, backfires. So you say stuff like, uh, forced busing, states’ rights, and all that stuff, and you’re getting so abstract. Now, you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is, blacks get hurt worse than whites … “We want to cut this,” is much more abstract than even the busing thing, uh, and a hell of a lot more abstract than “Ni–er, ni–er.”

In 1980, Ronald Reagan launched his presidential campaign by extolling the virtues of “states’ rights” in Neshoba County, Mississippi — a place where that phrase was synonymous with the defense of white supremacy, and where the defenders of white supremacy had infamously lynched three civil-rights activists. In 1988, George H.W. Bush’s campaign worked tirelessly to portray Michael Dukakis as soft on black criminality — or, as Bush’s campaign manager Lee Atwater put it, to “make Willie Horton his running mate.” Twelve years later, Bush’s son would secure the GOP nomination with the help of a whisper campaign that painted his chief Republican rival as the father of an African-American child.

Barack Obama’s election did not deliver us into a “post-racial” society. If anything, it did the very opposite. The reality of a dark-skinned president threatened a vital source of many a white American’s fragile sense of self-respect. And just as the backlash to civil rights had done decades earlier, the ensuing explosion of white racial animus provided the right with a fulsome opportunity. Fox News seized it with both hands — and, thus, so did Donald Trump.

Establishment Republicans may have had little taste for “birtherism” — but they took great pains to ensure that birthers felt welcome in the GOP tent. In 2012, Mitt Romney flew to Las Vegas to accept the “honor” of Trump’s endorsement.

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Marco Rubio has, on occasion, sought to distance himself from Trump, and the racist paranoia that the mogul stands for. But when the Florida senator was trying to salvage his presidential bid in New Hampshire last year, he endorsed the core premise of birtherism — that Barack Obama isn’t a real American, but rather, a covert enemy of all that real Americans hold dear — over, and over again:

Let’s dispel with this fiction that Barack Obama doesn’t know what he’s doing. He knows exactly what he’s doing. He is trying to change this country. He wants America to become more like the rest of the world […]

We are not facing a president that doesn’t know what he’s doing. He knows what he is doing. That’s why he’s done the things he’s done. That’s why we have a president that passed ObamaCare and the stimulus. All this damage that he’s done to America is deliberate. This is a president that’s trying to redefine this country. That’s why this election is truly a referendum on our identity as a nation, as a people. Our future is at stake.

Marco Rubio knew exactly what he was doing.

Meanwhile, Ted Cruz felt no moral obligation to condemn bigotry during the 2016 campaign, but saw great political expedience in praising Trump’s “bold” insights into the threat of illegal immigration, and, later, in calling for law enforcement to “patrol and secure Muslim neighborhoods.”

Like the vast majority of their colleagues, both men went on to endorse the presidential campaign of a man who had repeatedly refused to condemn the KKK; encouraged political violence against his African-American protestors; and praised the mass-murder of Muslim prisoners of war with bullets dripped in pig’s blood.

If Rubio and Cruz genuinely wish to combat the political mobilization of racists, they might start by renouncing the role that they — and their co-partisans — have played in encouraging it.

Doing this would require them to disavow much more than rhetoric. It would be comforting to think that the GOP was pulling one over on bigots — flattering their prejudices to get elected, then ignoring their wishes when sitting down to make policy. But in many cases, the opposite is true: There are plenty of Republican lawmakers who campaign with utmost civility, and then push legislation that objectively advances racial inequity.

In states all across the country, Republicans have made suppressing the political participation of nonwhite voters a top legislative priority. Granted, GOP lawmakers only cop to this fact every once in a while. But the scrim of “election integrity” is a thin one, as federal courts keep finding.

There is no evidence that American elections are plagued by voter fraud, despite the second Bush administration’s strenuous efforts to generate some. But there is copious evidence that the Republican Party’s preferred means of combating voter fraud just so happen to make voting more difficult for nonwhite people.

In the allocation of electoral resources, GOP state governments don’t even bother with pretenses: After Obama won Indiana in 2008, state and local Republicans “expanded early voting in GOP-dominated areas and restricted it in Democratic areas,” thereby producing “a significant change in Central Indiana voting patterns,” The Indianapolis Star reported last week. (Specifically, the “reforms” saw a dramatic reduction in the number of absentee ballots cast in racially diverse Marion County, and a dramatic increase in such voter participation in lily-white Hamilton County).

No Republican senator expressed outrage over this news. And yet, state lawmakers working to deliberately reduce the influence of their black constituents (by making it more difficult for them to vote) does far more to advance the political domination of African-Americans by whites than a bunch of prep-school Nazis with tiki torches ever could.

To be sure, most GOP legislators who back voting restrictions don’t do so with the aim of bolstering white supremacy, but merely their own political fortunes. If African-American communities voted Republican — which is to say, if they could repress their urge for “free stuff” long enough to wander off the “Democratic plantation” — then surely the GOP would work to expand their access to the franchise, just as Democrats do now.

In 1957, the conservative movement’s flagship publication wrote the following of the civil-rights movement:

The central question that emerges — and it is not a parliamentary question or a question that is answered by merely consulting a catalog of the rights of American citizens, born Equal — is whether the White community in the South is entitled to take such measures as are necessary to prevail, politically and culturally, in areas in which it does not predominate numerically? The sobering answer is Yes — the White community is so entitled because, for the time being, it is the advanced race.

Is the logic of the Republican lawmaker who pushes legislation that depresses turnout in black communities — not because he disapproves of their skin tone, but merely because he fears that they haven’t yet learned to see the public good as he does — really so different?

In that same 1957 editorial, the still-revered William F. Buckley continued:

It is more important for any community, anywhere in the world, to affirm and live by civilized standards, than to bow to the demands of the numerical majority. Sometimes it becomes impossible to assert the will of a minority, in which case it must give way; and the society will regress; sometimes the numerical minority cannot prevail except by violence: then it must determine whether the prevalence of its will is worth the terrible price of violence.

The fear of an ascendant, nonwhite majority — and the social “regression” that it will inevitably induce — is one of the modern GOP’s animating anxieties. Republicans in the Trump administration and Congress have voiced this fear, explicitly. During the 2016 election, senior White House national security staffer Michael Anton wrote that a Clinton victory would mark the “death” of the United States, because it would lead to “the ceaseless importation of Third World foreigners with no tradition of, taste for, or experience in liberty,” thereby rendering the electorate “more left, more Democratic, less Republican, less republican, and less traditionally American with every cycle.”

“I want my party to live,” Anton continued. “I want my country to live. I want my people to live.”

Anton invoked the existential threat that “Third World foreigners” posed to his “people” to justify voting for Donald Trump. But as William F. Buckley knew 60 years ago, and as Richard Spencer knows today, the threat of civilizational decline can justify most any countermeasure — even driving one’s car through a crowd of “cultural Marxists.”

The GOP’s gubernatorial candidate in Virginia, Ed Gillespie, said that “displays” of “vile hate” have “no place in our commonwealth.” Weeks earlier, he promised to oppose all efforts to remove the statue of Robert E. Lee from Charlottesville’s Emancipation Park.

The neo-Nazis understand what that statue represents better than “mainstream” Republicans do. And until the latter call on their party to stop blowing dog whistles for white racists; passing discriminatory voting laws; and supporting the Trump presidency, the white supremacists will have a better sense of what — and whom — the American right stands for, too.

Get more smart coverage of the news and politics at Daily Intelligencer, or follow New York on Facebook.


The 5 Most Important Artist Collectives

Artwork: Guerrilla Girls – V&A Museum, London. Photo: Eric Huybrechts, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

No less than Aristotle knowingly observed, “The whole is greater than the sum of its parts.” It’s a natural human urge to come together in the service of something greater than the self, and though the act of making art can be highly individual and idiosyncratic it does not preclude the impulse to create a collective.

Art collectives date back to ancient time, with sculpture workshops held in the marble quarries of Greece and Italy, where classic works were produced; during the French Revolution when artists occupied the Louvre after the king was deposed before it officially transformed into a museum in 1793; and in more recent years, when the lack of state and church-based patronage left artists alone to fend for themselves.

Artist collectives may by formed for any number of reasons, be it philosophical, political, economic, professional, aesthetic, or all of the above. While they each follow their own path they share a fundamental desire for collaboration, which can render their powers transformative. Crave spotlights 5 of the most important artist collectives of the past century.

Colab show catalogue, Moore College of Art, Philadelphia, PA, 1983

Colab show catalogue, Moore College of Art, Philadelphia, PA, 1983


John Ahearn, Charlie Ahearn, Diego Cortez, Jane Dickson, Jenny Holzer, Joe Lewis, James Nares, Tom Otterness, Walter Robinson, Kiki Smith, Betsy Sussler—the people who came together as Collaborative Projects Inc., NYC (aka Colab) read as a who’s who of New York City’s most exciting artists of the late 1970s/early 1980s.

In 1978, Colab wisely established itself as a non-profit organization so that it could be tax exempt and take advantage of the newly available state and federal art grants. Working in a city teetering on the edge of bankruptcy allowed Colab to use New York as a stage set for their innovative and exciting projects.

“The Times Square Show,” a 1980 exhibition centered in the heart of the city’s Red Light district, put them on the map, and was named “the first avant-garde art show of the ‘80s” in a front-page article in The Village Voice. Over the years, Colab was able to fund the ABC No Rio cultural center; a TV series on Manhattan Cable; New Cinema, a screening room at St. Marks Place; and a number of other projects that continue to this day.

© Ryan McGinley, Dash Snow, from “The Kids Were Alright” (Rizzoli)

© Ryan McGinley, Dash Snow, from “The Kids Were Alright” (Rizzoli)


There was a window in New York City’s history where graffiti was everything: artistic expression, antisocial rebellion, and adolescent mayhem. It came up at a time when the government abandoned the city under a policy of “benign neglect,” providing a lawless atmosphere that transformed the very possibilities of public art. For a good 40 years, from the early 1970s to the early ‘00s, graffiti was a highly contentious yet transformative aspect of New York life.

Just as the window began to close, the IRAK crew came through, making that last gasp of freedom all the more powerful. Comprised of SACER (aka Dash Snow, R.I.P.), EARSNOT, SEMZ (R.I.P.), and SEMEN, among others and heavily documented by photographer Ryan McGinley, IRAK made New York look like New York—before it got whitewashed and painted a ghastly shade of bland.

rmcgJust imagine what it was like, if you can, in the words of filmmaker Bruce LaBruce, who penned The VICE Guide to New York Graffiti back in 2001, and observes, “As a Canadian in the land of the Yanks, the ascent of the Texas travesty unfolding before our eyes is stirring up my old political punk leanings, but strangely I will soon discover that Ryan and the graffiti kids he will be photographing, despite their radical pursuits and flagrant disregard for the law— racking and mopping on a daily basis, tagging and throwing up wherever they go (crimes against property in this new era of hypercapitalism are the worst you can commit)— are surprisingly apolitical…The general impression is one of “apres moi, le deluge.” Things are so fucked up at this point in history, so monumentally surreal, that only the impulsive moment counts, the rush of adrenaline garnered from racking or tagging, the natural high.”

Or check our McGinley’s fantastic book, The Kids Were Alright (Rizzoli), which features page after page of living the IRAK life.

Image courtesy of Logan Center Exhibitions, The University of Chicago Arts

Image courtesy of Logan Center Exhibitions, The University of Chicago Arts


As the Black Power movement took hold, AfriCOBRA (the African Commune of Bad Relevant Artists) formed in Chicago in 1967 and became the only group to produce a manifesto for Black Art, which was centered around providing art to the communities in the form of large-scale public murals depicting contemporary and historic figures of Black history. Today, it would simply be known as street art, but 50 years ago, at a time when images of Black men and women were scarce, it was a revolutionary movement.

Founded by Jeff Donaldson, Wadsworth Jarrell, Jae Jarrell, Barbara Jones-Hogu, and Gerald Williams, AfriCOBRA’s members worked together to figure out how their work could directly serve the community and empower people to live free. “[Our art] must communicate to its viewer a statement of truth, of action, of education, of conditions and a state of being to our people,” Jones-Hogu explained. “We wanted to speak to them and for them, by having our common thoughts, feelings, trials and tribulations express our total existence as a people.”

© June DeLairre Truesdale. Bridge on the Beach, Nassau, Bahamas, 2007.

© June DeLairre Truesdale. Bridge on the Beach, Nassau, Bahamas, 2007.

Kamoinge Workshop

In 1963, 15 African-American photographers joined forces to create the Kamoinge Workshop, which continues to this very day, making it the longest-running photography collective in American history. Derived from the Gikuyu language of Kenya, Kamoinge means “a group of people acting together.”

This spirit of camaraderie and family suffused the development of the group, which include legendary artists Roy DeCarava, Anthony Barboza, Louis Draper, Ming Smith, and Shawn W. Walker, among many others. Their mission was simple, but necessary in a nation that excluded or misrepresented the group: “The Kamoinge Workshop represents fifteen black photographers whose creative objectives reflect a concern for truth about the world, about society and about themselves.”

516eWikkKGL._SX375_BO1204203200_-e1454695665485In 2016, they published the first collection of their work, Timeless: The Photographs of Kamoinge (Schiffer), which features more than 280 photographs made over fifty years. Creating Timeless was a labor of love, one than took more than a decade to execute. Barboza was determined to see the book to publication, despite lack of interest from mainstream publishers. But Kamoinge was never one to follow the mainstream and confirm to commercial trends. Determined to operate according to their own rules, Kamoinge has maintained its integrity and its independence, earning a level of authenticity unmatched in photography.

Guerrilla Girls - V&A Museum, London. Photo: Eric Huybrechts, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

Guerrilla Girls – V&A Museum, London. Photo: Eric Huybrechts, courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

Guerilla Girls

When the Guerrilla Girls, an anonymous group of radical feminist artists, hit the art scene in 1985, the world took note as they called out the gender and racial inequality that had dominated Western art for centuries. Employing a wide of culture jamming tactics, the Guerilla Girls exposed discriminatory and corrupt practices that had been an open secret for entirely too long.

Their motto, “Reinventing the ‘F’ word: feminism!” was brilliantly illustrated by their decision to don gorilla masks and use the names of deceased female artists in order to show the issues write large. It was not a matter of personal accomplishment so much as empowering the group, honoring those who had come before, those who had fallen through the cracks, and setting the foundation for a new generation of female artists to carry forth.

The Guerilla Girls originally started as a group of seven women who decided it was time to speak out when they realized that just 13 of 165 artists in the Museum of Modern Art’s exhibition, An International Survey of Recent Paintings and Sculpture (1984) were female. When their protests did nothing, they did what artists do best: they wheat-pasted posters across Soho and the East Village, then the epicenter of the downtown art world. Finally, the world took notice, and they didn’t stop there, remaining active in one form or another to this very day.

Miss Rosen is a journalist covering art, photography, culture, and books. Her byline has appeared in L’Uomo Vogue, Vogue Online, The Undefeated, Dazed Digital, Aperture Online, and Feature Shoot. Follow her on Twitter @Miss_Rosen.

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